Provided by The Internet Classics Archive.
See bottom for copyright. Available online at
    http://classics.mit.edu//Plutarch/m_brutus.html

Marcus Brutus
By Plutarch

(legendary, died 42 B.C.E.)


Translated by John Dryden

Marcus Brutus was descended from that Junius Brutus to whom the ancient
Romans erected a statue of brass in the capitol among the images of
their kings with a drawn sword in his hand, in remembrance of his
courage and resolution in expelling the Tarquins and destroying the
monarchy. But that ancient Brutus was of a severe and inflexible nature,
like steel of too hard a temper, and having never had his character
softened by study and thought, he let himself be so far transported
with his rage and hatred against tyrants that, for conspiring with
them, he proceeded to the execution even of his own sons. But this
Brutus, whose life we now write, having to the goodness of his disposition
added the improvements of learning and the study of philosophy, and
having stirred up his natural parts, of themselves grave and gentle,
by applying himself to business and public affairs, seems to have
been of a temper exactly framed for virtue; insomuch that they who
were most his enemies upon account of his conspiracy against Caesar,
if in that whole affair there was any honourable or generous part,
referred it wholly to Brutus, and laid whatever was barbarous and
cruel to the charge of Cassius, Brutus's connection and familiar friend,
but not his equal in honesty and pureness of purpose. His mother,
Servilia, was of the family of Servilius Ahala, who when Spurius Maelius
worked the people into a rebellion and designed to make himself king,
taking a dagger under his arm, went forth into the market-place, and
upon pretence of having some private business with him, came up close
to him, and, as he bent his head to hear what he had to say, struck
him with his dagger and slew him. And thus much, as concerns his descent
by the mother's side, is confessed by all; but as for his father's
family, they who for Caesar's murder bore any hatred or ill-will to
Brutus say that he came not from that Brutus who expelled the Tarquins,
there being none of his race left after the execution of his two sons;
but that his ancestor was a plebeian, son of one Brutus, a steward,
and only rose in the latest times to office or dignity in the commonwealth.
But Posidonius the philosopher writes that it is true indeed what
the history relates, that two of the sons of Brutus who were of men's
estate were put to death, but that a third, yet an infant, was left
alive, from whom the family was propagated down to Marcus Brutus;
and further, that there were several famous persons of this house
in his time whose looks very much resembled the statue of Junius Brutus.
But of this subject enough. 

Cato the philosopher was brother to Servilia, the mother of Brutus,
and he it was whom of all the Romans his nephew most admired and studied
to imitate, and he afterwards married his daughter Porcia. Of all
the sects of the Greek philosophers, though there was none of which
he had not been a hearer, and in which he had not made some proficiency,
yet he chiefly esteemed the Platonists; and not much approving of
the modern and middle Academy, as it is called, he applied himself
to the study of the ancient. He was all his lifetime a great admirer
of Antiochus of the city of Ascalon, and took his brother Aristus
into his own house for his friend and companion, a man for his learning
inferior indeed to many of the philosophers, but for the evenness
of his temper and steadiness of his conduct equal to the best. As
for Empylus, of whom he himself and his friends often make mention
in their epistles, as one that lived with Brutus, he was a rhetorician,
and has left behind him a short but well-written history of the death
of Caesar, entitled Brutus. 

In Latin, he had by exercise attained a sufficient skill to be able
to make public addresses and to plead a cause; but in Greek, he must
be noted for affecting the sententious and short Laconic way of speaking
in sundry passages of his epistles; as when, in the beginning of the
war, he wrote thus to the Pergamenians: "I hear you have given Dolabella
money; if willingly, you must own you have injured me; if unwillingly,
show it by giving willingly to me." And another time to the Samians:
"Your counsels are remiss and your performances slow; what think ye
will be the end?" And of the Patareans thus: "The Xanthians, suspecting
my kindness, have made their country the grave of their despair; the
Patareans, trusting themselves to me, enjoy in all points their former
liberty; it is in your power to choose the judgment of the Patareans
on the pretence of the Xanthians." And this is the style for which
some of his letters are to be noted. 

When he was but a very young man, he accompanied his uncle Cato to
Cyprus, when he was sent there against Ptolemy. But when Ptolemy killed
himself, Cato, being by some necessary business detained in the isle
of Rhodes, had already sent one of his friends, named Canidius, to
take into his care and keeping the treasure of the king; but presently,
not feeling sure of his honesty, he wrote to Brutus to sail immediately
for Cyprus out of Pamphylia, where he then was staying to refresh
himself, being but just recovered of a fit of sickness. He obeyed
his orders, but with a great deal of unwillingness, as well out of
respect to Canidius, who was thrown out of this employment by Cato
with so much disgrace, as also because he esteemed such a commission
mean and unsuitable to him, who was in the prime of his youth, and
given to books and study. Nevertheless, applying himself to the business,
he behaved himself so well in it that he was highly commended by Cato,
and having turned all the goods of Ptolemy into ready money, he sailed
with the greatest part of it in his own ship to Rome. 

But upon the general separation into two factions, when, Pompey and
Caesar taking up arms against one another, the whole empire was turned
into confusion, it was commonly believed that he would take Caesar's
side; for his father in past time had been put to death by Pompey.
But he, thinking it his duty to prefer the interest of the public
to his own private feelings, and judging Pompey's to be the better
cause, took part with him; though formerly he used not so much as
to salute or take any notice of Pompey, if he happened to meet him,
esteeming it a pollution to have the least conversation with the murderer
of his father. But now, looking upon him as the general of his country,
he placed himself under his command, and set sail for Cilicia in quality
of lieutenant to Sestius, who had the government of that province.
But finding no opportunity there of doing any great service, and hearing
that Pompey and Caesar were now near one another and preparing for
the battle upon which all depended, he came of his own accord to Macedonia
to partake in the danger. At his coming it is said that Pompey was
so surprised and so pleased that, rising from his chair in the sight
of all who were about him, he saluted and embraced him, as one of
the chiefest of his party. All the time that he was in the camp, excepting
that which he spent in Pompey's company, he employed in reading and
in study, which he did not neglect even the day before the great battle.
It was the middle of summer, and the heat was very great, the camp
having been pitched near some marshy ground, and the people that carried
Brutus's tent were a long while before they came. Yet though upon
these accounts he was extremely harassed and out of order, having
scarcely by the middle of the day anointed himself and eaten a sparing
meal, whilst most others were either laid to sleep or taken up with
the thoughts and apprehensions of what would be the issue of the fight,
he spent his time until the evening in writing an epitome of Polybius.

It is said that Caesar had so great a regard for him that he ordered
his commanders by no means to kill Brutus in the battle, but to spare
him, if possible, and bring him safe to him, if he would willingly
surrender himself; but if he made any resistance, to suffer him to
escape rather than do him any violence. And this he is believed to
have done out of a tenderness to Servilia, the mother of Brutus; for
Caesar had, it seems, in his youth been very intimate with her, and
she passionately in love with him; and, considering that Brutus was
born about that time in which their loves were at the highest, Caesar
had a belief that he was his own child. The story is told that, when
the great question of the conspiracy of Catiline, which had like to
have been the destruction of the commonwealth, was debated in the
senate, Cato and Caesar were both standing up, contending together
on the decision to be come to; at which time a little note was delivered
to Caesar from without, which he took and read silently to himself.
Upon this, Cato cried out aloud, and accused Caesar of holding correspondence
with and receiving letters from the enemies of the commonwealth; and
when many other senators exclaimed against it, Caesar delivered the
note as he had received it to Cato, who reading it found it to be
a love-letter from his own sister Servilia, and threw it back again
to Caesar with the words, "Keep it, you drunkard," and returned to
the subject of the debate. So public and notorious was Servilia's
love to Caesar. 

After the great overthrow at Pharsalia, Pompey himself having made
his escape to the sea, and Caesar's army storming the camp, Brutus
stole privately out by one of the gates leading to marshy ground full
of water and covered with reeds, and, travelling through the night,
got safe to Larissa. From Larissa he wrote to Caesar who expressed
a great deal of joy to hear that he was safe, and, bidding him come,
not only forgave him freely, but honoured and esteemed him among his
chiefest friends. Now when nobody could give any certain account which
way Pompey had fled, Caesar took a little journey along with Brutus,
and tried what was his opinion herein, and after some discussion which
passed between them, believing that Brutus's conjecture was the right
one, laying aside all other thoughts, he set out directly to pursue
him towards Egypt. But Pompey, having reached Egypt, as Brutus guessed
his design was to do, there met his fate. 

Brutus in the meantime gained Caesar's forgiveness for his friend
Cassius; and pleading also in defence of the king of the Lybians,
though he was overwhelmed with the greatness of the crimes alleged
against him, yet by his entreaties and deprecations to Caesar in his
behalf, he preserved to him a great part of his kingdom. It is reported
that Caesar, when he first heard Brutus speak in public, said to his
friends, "I know not what this young man intends, but, whatever he
intends, he intends vehemently." For his natural firmness of mind,
not easily yielding, or complying in favour of every one that entreated
his kindness, once set into action upon motives of right reason and
deliberate moral choice, whatever direction it thus took, it was pretty
sure to take effectively, and to work in such a way as not to fail
in its object. No flattery could ever prevail with him to listen to
unjust petitions: and he held that to be overcome by the importunities
of shameless and fawning entreaties, though some compliment it with
the name of modesty and bashfulness, was the worst disgrace a great
man could suffer. And he used to say that he always felt as if they
who could deny nothing could not have behaved well in the flower of
their youth. 

Caesar, being about to make his expedition into Africa against Cato
and Scipio, committed to Brutus the government of Cisalpine Gaul,
to the great happiness and advantage of that province. For while people
in other provinces were in distress with the violence and avarice
of their governors, and suffered as much oppression as if they had
been slaves and captives of war, Brutus, by his easy government, actually
made them amends for their calamities under former rulers, directing
moreover all their gratitude for his good deeds to Caesar himself;
insomuch that it was a most welcome and pleasant spectacle to Caesar,
when in his return he passed through Italy, to see the cities that
were under Brutus's command, and Brutus himself increasing his honour
and joining agreeably in his progress. 

Now several praetorships being vacant, it was all men's opinion that
that of the chiefest dignity, which is called the praetorship of the
city, would be conferred either upon Brutus or Cassius; and some say
that, there having been some little difference upon former accounts
between them, this competition set them much more at variance, though
they were connected in their families, Cassius having married Junia,
the sister of Brutus. Others say that the contention was raised between
them by Caesar's doing, who had privately given each of them such
hopes of his favour as led them on, and provoked them at last into
this open competition and trial of their interest. Brutus had only
the reputation of his honour and virtue to oppose to the many and
gallant actions performed by Cassius against the Parthians. But Caesar,
having heard each side, and deliberating about the matter among his
friends, said, "Cassius has the stronger plea, but we must let Brutus
be first praetor." So another praetorship was given to Cassius; the
gaining of which could not so much oblige him, as he was incensed
for the loss of the other. And in all other things Brutus was partaker
of Caesar's power as much as he desired: for he might, if he had pleased,
have been the chief of all his friends, and had authority and command
beyond them all, but Cassius and the company he met with him drew
him off from Caesar. Indeed, he was not yet wholly reconciled to Cassius,
since that competition which was between them: but yet he gave ear
to Cassius's friends, who were perpetually advising him not to be
so blind as to suffer himself to be softened and won over by Caesar,
but to shun the kindness and favours of a tyrant, which they intimated
that Caesar showed him, not to express any honour to his merit or
virtue, but to unbend his strength, and undermine his vigour of purpose.

Neither was Caesar wholly without suspicion of him, nor wanted informers
that accused Brutus to him; but he feared, indeed, the high spirit
and the great character and the friends that he had, but thought himself
secure in his moral disposition. When it was told him that Antony
and Dolabella designed some disturbance, "It is not," said he, "the
fat and the long-haired men that I fear, but the pale and the lean,"
meaning Brutus and Cassius. And when some maligned Brutus to him,
and advised him to beware of him, taking hold of his flesh with his
hand, "What," he said, "do you think that Brutus will not wait out
the time of this little body?" as if he thought none so fit to succeed
him in his power as Brutus. And indeed it seems to be without doubt
that Brutus might have been the first man in the commonwealth, if
he had had patience but a little time to be second to Caesar, and
would have suffered his power to decline after it was come to its
highest pitch, and the fame of his great actions to die away by degrees.
But Cassius, a man of a fierce disposition, and one that out of private
malice, rather than love of the public, hated Caesar, not the tyrant,
continually fired and stirred him up. Brutus felt the rule an oppression,
but Cassius hated the ruler; and, among other reasons on which he
grounded his quarrel against Caesar, the loss of his lions which he
had procured when he was aedile-elect was one; for Caesar, finding
these in Megara, when that city was taken by Calenus, seized them
to himself. These beasts, they say, were a great calamity to the Megarians;
for, when their city was just taken, they broke open the lions' dens,
and pulled off their chains and let them loose that they might run
upon the enemy that was entering the city; but the lions turned upon
them themselves, and tore to pieces a great many unarmed persons running
about, so that it was a miserable spectacle even to their enemies
to behold. 

And this, some say, was the chief provocation that stirred up Cassius
to conspire against Caesar; but they are much in the wrong. For Cassius
had from his youth a natural hatred and rancour against the whole
race of tyrants, which he showed when he was but a boy, and went to
the same school with Faustus, the son of Sylla; for, on his boasting
himself amongst the boys, and extolling the sovereign power of his
father, Cassius rose up and struck him two or three boxes on the ear;
which when the guardians and relations of Faustus designed to inquire
into and to prosecute, Pompey forbade them, and, sending for both
the boys together, examined the matter himself. And Cassius is then
reported to have said thus, "Come, then, Faustus, dare to speak here
those words that provoked me, that I may strike you again as I did
before." Such was the disposition of Cassius. 

But Brutus was roused up and pushed on to the undertaking by many
persuasions of his familiar friends, and letters and invitations from
unknown citizens. For under the statue of his ancestor Brutus, that
overthrew the kingly government, they wrote the words, "O that we
had a Brutus now!" and, "O that Brutus were alive!" And Brutus's own
tribunal, on which he sat as praetor, was filled each morning with
writings such as these: "You are asleep, Brutus," and, "You are not
a true Brutus." Now the flatterers of Caesar were the occasion of
all this, who, among other invidious honours which they strove to
fasten upon Caesar, crowned his statues by night with diadems, wishing
to incite the people to salute him king instead of dictator. But quite
the contrary came to pass, as I have more particularly related in
the life of Caesar. 

When Cassius went about soliciting friends to engage in this design
against Caesar, all whom he tried readily consented, if Brutus would
be head of it; for their opinion was that the enterprise wanted not
hands or resolution, but the reputation and authority of a man such
as he was, to give as it were the first religious sanction, and by
his presence, if by nothing else, to justify the undertaking; that
without him they should go about this action with less heart, and
should lie under greater suspicions when they had done it; for if
their cause had been just and honourable, people would be sure that
Brutus would not have refused it. Cassius, having considered these
things with himself, went to Brutus and made him the first visit after
their falling out; and after the compliments of reconciliation had
passed, and former kindnesses were renewed between them, he asked
him if he designed to be present on the calends of March, for it was
discoursed, he said, that Caesar's friends intended then to move that
he might be made king. When Brutus answered, that he would not be
there, "But what," says Cassius, "if they should send for us?" "It
will be my business, then," replied Brutus, "not to hold my peace,
but to stand up boldly, and die for the liberty of my country." To
which Cassius with some emotion answered, "But what Roman will suffer
you to die? What, do you not know yourself, Brutus? Or do you think
that those writings that you find upon your praetor's seat were put
there by weavers and shopkeepers, and not by the first and most powerful
men of Rome? From other praetors, indeed, they expect largesses and
shows and gladiators, but from you they claim, as an hereditary debt,
the exurpation of tyranny; they are all ready to suffer anything on
your account, if you will but show yourself such as they think you
are and expect you should be." Which said, he fell upon Brutus, and
embraced him; and after this, they parted each to try their several
friends. 

Among the friends of Pompey there was one Caius Ligarius, whom Caesar
had pardoned, though accused for having been in arms against him.
This man, not feeling so thankful for having been forgiven as he felt
oppressed by that power which made him need a pardon, hated Caesar,
and was one of Brutus's most intimate friends. Him Brutus visited,
and finding him sick, "O Ligarius," says he, "what a time you have
found out to be sick in!" At which words Ligarius, raising himself
and leaning on his elbow, took Brutus by the hand, and said, "But,
O Brutus, if you are on any design worthy of yourself, I am well."

From this time they tried the inclinations of all their acquaintances
that they durst trust, and communicated the secret to them, and took
into the design not only their familiar friends, but as many as they
believed bold and brave and despisers of death. For which reason they
concealed the plot from Cicero, though he was very much trusted and
as well beloved by them all, lest, to his own disposition, which was
naturally timorous, adding now the weariness and caution of old age,
by his weighing, as he would do, every particular, that he might not
make one step without the greatest security, he should blunt the edge
of their forwardness and resolution in a business which required all
the despatch imaginable. As indeed there were also two others that
were companions of Brutus, Statilius the Epicurean, and Favonius the
admirer of Cato, whom he left out for this reason: as he was conversing
one day with them, trying them at a distance, and proposing some such
question to be disputed of as among philosophers, to see what opinion
they were of, Favonius declared his judgment to be that a civil war
was worse than the most illegal monarchy; and Statilius held, that
to bring himself into troubles and danger upon the account of evil
or foolish men did not become a man that had any wisdom or discretion.
But Labeo, who was present, contradicted them both and Brutus, as
if it had been an intricate dispute, and difficult to be decided,
held his peace for that time, but afterwards discovered the whole
design to Labeo, who readily undertook it. The next thing that was
thought convenient was to gain the other Brutus surnamed Albinus,
a man of himself of no great bravery or courage, but considerable
for the number of gladiators that he was maintaining for a public
show, and the great confidence that Caesar put in him. When Cassius
and Labeo spoke with him concerning the matter, he gave them no answer;
but, seeking an interview with Brutus himself alone, and finding that
he was their captain, he readily consented to partake in the action.
And among the others, also, the most and best were gained by the name
of Brutus. And, though they neither gave nor took any oath of secrecy,
nor used any other sacred rite to assure their fidelity to each other,
yet all kept their design so close, were so wary, and held it so silently
among themselves that, though by prophecies and apparitions and signs
in the sacrifices the gods gave warning of it, yet could it not be
believed. 

Now Brutus, feeling that the noblest spirits of Rome for virtue birth,
or courage were depending upon him, and surveying with himself all
the circumstances of the dangers they were to encounter, strove indeed,
as much as possible, when abroad, to keep his uneasiness of mind to
himself, and to compose his thoughts; but at home, and especially
at night, he was not the same man, but sometimes against his will
his working care would make him start out of his sleep, and other
times he was taken up with further reflection and consideration of
his difficulties, so that his wife that lay with him could not choose
but take notice that he was full of unusual trouble, and had in agitation
some dangerous and perplexing question. Porcia, as was said before,
was the daughter of Cato, and Brutus, her cousin-german, had married
her very young, though not a maid, but after the death of her former
husband, by whom she had one son that was named Bibulus; and there
is a little book, called Memoirs of Brutus, written by him, yet extant.
This Porcia, being addicted to philosophy, a great lover of her husband,
and full of an understanding courage, resolved not to inquire into
Brutus's secrets before she had made this trial of herself. She turned
all her attendants out of her chamber, and taking a little knife,
such as they use to cut nails with, she gave herself a deep gash in
the thigh; upon which followed a great flow of blood, and soon after,
violent pains and a shivering fever, occasioned by the wound. Now
when Brutus was extremely anxious and afflicted for her, she, in the
height of all her pain, spoke thus to him: "I, Brutus, being the daughter
of Cato, was given to you in marriage, not like a concubine, to partake
only in the common intercourse of bed and board, but to bear a part
in all your good and all your evil fortunes; and for your part, as
regards your care for me, I find no reason to complain; but from me,
what evidence of my love, what satisfaction can you receive, if I
may not share with you in bearing your hidden griefs, nor to be admitted
to any of your counsels that require secrecy and trust? I know very
well that women seem to be of too weak a nature to be trusted with
secrets; but certainly, Brutus, a virtuous birth and education, and
the company of the good and honourable, are of some force to the forming
our manners; and I can boast that I am the daughter of Cato, and the
wife of Brutus, in which two titles though before I put less confidence,
yet now I have tried myself, and find that I can bid defiance to pain."
Which words having spoken, she showed him her wound, and related to
him the trial that she had made of her constancy; at which he being
astonished, lifted up his hands to heaven, and begged the assistance
of the gods in his enterprise, that he might show himself a husband
worthy of such a wife as Porcia. So then he comforted his wife.

But a meeting of the senate being appointed, at which it was believed
that Caesar would be present, they agreed to make use of that opportunity;
for then they might appear all together without suspicion; and, besides,
they hoped that all the noblest and leading men of the commonwealth,
being then assembled as soon as the great deed was done, would immediately
stand forward and assert the common liberty. The very place too where
the senate was to meet seemed to be by divine appointment favourable
to their purpose. It was a portico, one of those joining the theatre,
with a large recess, in which there stood a statue of Pompey, erected
to him by the commonwealth, when he adorned that part of the city
with the porticos and the theatre. To this place it was that the senate
was summoned for the middle of March (the Ides of March is the Roman
name for the day); as if some more than human power were leading the
man thither, there to meet his punishment for the death of Pompey.

As soon as it was day, Brutus, taking with him a dagger, which none
but his wife knew of, went out. The rest met together at Cassius's
house, and brought forth his son that was that day to put on the manly
gown, as it is called, into the forum; and from thence, going all
to Pompey's porch, stayed there, expecting Caesar to come without
delay to the senate. Here it was chiefly that any one who had known
what they had purposed, would have admired the unconcerned temper
and the steady resolution of these men in their most dangerous undertaking;
for many of them, being praetors, and called upon by their office
to judge and determine causes, did not only hear calmly all that made
application to them and pleaded against each other before them, as
if they were free from all other thoughts, but decided causes with
as much accuracy and judgment as they had heard them with attention
and patience. And when one person refused to stand to the award of
Brutus, and with great clamour and many attestations appealed to Caesar,
Brutus, looking round about him upon those that were present, said,
"Caesar does not hinder me, nor will he hinder me, from doing according
to the laws." 

Yet there were many unusual accidents that disturbed them and by mere
chance were thrown in their way. The first and chiefest was the long
stay of Caesar, though the day was spent, and he being detained at
home by his wife, and forbidden by the soothsayers to go forth, upon
some defect that appeared in his sacrifice. Another was this: There
came a man up to Casca, one of the company, and, taking him by the
hand, "You concealed," said he, "the secret from us, but Brutus has
told me all." At which words when Casca was surprised, the other said
laughing, "How came you to be so rich of a sudden, that you should
stand to be chosen aedile?" So near was Casca to let out the secret,
upon the mere ambiguity of the other's expression. Then Popilius Laenas,
a senator, having saluted Brutus and Cassius more earnestly than usual,
whispered them softly in the ear, and said, "My wishes are with you,
that you may accomplish what you design, and I advise you to make
no delay, for the thing is now no secret." This said, he departed,
and left them in great suspicion that the design had taken wind. In
the meanwhile, there came one in haste from Brutus's house and brought
him news that his wife was dying. For Porcia, being extremely disturbed
with expectation of the event, and not able to bear the greatness
of her anxiety, could scarce keep herself within doors; and at every
little noise or voice she heard, starting up suddenly, like those
possessed with the bacchic frenzy, she asked every one that came in
from the forum what Brutus was doing, and sent one messenger after
another to inquire. At last, after long expectation and waiting, the
strength of her constitution could hold out no longer; her mind was
overcome with her doubts and fears, and she lost the control of herself,
and began to faint away. She had not time to betake herself to her
chamber, but, sitting as she was amongst her women, a sudden swoon
and a great stupor seized her, and her colour changed, and her speech
was quite lost. At this sight her women made a loud cry, and many
of the neighbours running to Brutus's door to know what was the matter,
the report was soon spread abroad that Porcia was dead; though with
her women's help she recovered in a little while, and came to herself
again. When Brutus received this news, he was extremely troubled,
not without reason, yet was not so carried away by his private grief
as to quit his public purpose. 

For now news was brought that Caesar was coming, carried in a litter.
For, being discouraged by the ill-omens that attended his sacrifice,
he had determined to undertake no affairs of any great importance
that day, but to defer them till another time, excusing himself that
he was sick. As soon as he came out of his litter, Popilius Laenas,
he who but a little before had wished Brutus good success in his undertaking,
coming up to him, conversed a great while with him, Caesar standing
still all the while, and seeming to be very attentive. The conspirators
(to give them this name), not being able to hear what he said, but
guessing by what themselves were conscious of that this conference
was the discovery of their treason, were again disheartened, and,
looking upon one another, agreed from each other's countenances that
they should not stay to be taken, but should all kill themselves.
And now when Cassius and some others were laying hands upon their
daggers under their robes, and were drawing them out, Brutus, viewing
narrowly the looks and gesture of Laenas, and finding that he was
earnestly petitioning and not accusing, said nothing, because there
were many strangers to the conspiracy mingled amongst them: but by
a cheerful countenance encouraged Cassius. And after a little while,
Laenas, having kissed Caesar's hand, went away, showing plainly that
all his discourse was about some particular business relating to himself.

Now when the senate was gone in before to the chamber where they were
to sit, the rest of the company placed themselves close about Caesar's
chair, as if they had some suit to make to him, and Cassius, turning
his face to Pompey's statue, is said to have invoked it, as if it
had been sensible of his prayers. Trebonius, in the meanwhile, engaged
Antony's attention at the door, and kept him in talk outside. When
Caesar entered, the whole senate rose up to him. As soon as he was
sat down, the men all crowded round about him, and set Tillius Cimber,
one of their own number, to intercede in behalf of his brother that
was banished; they all joined their prayers with his, and took Caesar
by the hand, and kissed his head and his breast. But he putting aside
at first their supplications, and afterwards, when he saw they would
not desist, violently rising up, Tillius with both hands caught hold
of his robe and pulled it off from his shoulders, and Casca, that
stood behind him, drawing his dagger, gave him the first, but a slight
wound, about the shoulder. Caesar snatching hold of the handle of
the dagger, and crying out aloud in Latin, "Villain Casca, what do
you?" he, calling in Greek to his brother, bade him come and help.
And by this time, finding himself struck by a great many hands, and
looking around about him to see if he could force his way out, when
he saw Brutus with his dagger drawn against him, he let go Casca's
hand, that he had hold of and covering his head with his robe, gave
up his body to their blows. And they so eagerly pressed towards the
body, and so many daggers were hacking together, that they cut one
another; Brutus, particularly, received a wound in his hand, and all
of them were besmeared with the blood. 

Caesar being thus slain, Brutus, stepping forth into the midst, intended
to have made a speech, and called back and encouraged the senators
to stay; but they all affrighted ran away in great disorder, and there
was a great confusion and press at the door, though none pursued or
followed. For they had come to an express resolution to kill nobody
beside Caesar, but to call and invite all the rest to liberty. It
was indeed the opinion of all the others, when they consulted about
the execution of their design, that it was necessary to cut off Antony
with Caesar, looking upon him as an insolent man, an affecter of monarchy,
and one that, by his familiar intercourse, had gained a powerful interest
with the soldiers. And this they urged the rather, because at that
time to the natural loftiness and ambition of his temper there was
added the dignity of being counsel and colleague to Caesar. But Brutus
opposed this consul, insisting first upon the injustice of it, and
afterwards giving them hopes that a change might be worked in Antony.
For he did not despair but that so highly gifted and honourable a
man, and such a lover of glory as Antony, stirred up with emulation
of their great attempt, might, if Caesar were once removed, lay hold
of the occasion to be joint restorer with them of the liberty of his
country. Thus did Brutus save Antony's life. But he, in the general
consternation, put himself into a plebeian habit, and fled. But Brutus
and his party marched up to the capitol, in their way showing their
hands all bloody, and their naked swords, and proclaiming liberty
to the people. At first all places were filled with cries and shouts;
and the wild running to and fro, occasioned by the sudden surprise
and passion that every one was in, increased the tumult in the city.
But no other bloodshed following, and no plundering of the goods in
the streets, the senators and many of the people took courage and
went up to the men in the capitol; and a multitude being gathered
together, Brutus made an oration to them, very popular, and proper
for the state that affairs were then in. Therefore, when they applauded
his speech, and cried out to him to come down, they all took confidence
and descended into the forum; the rest promiscuously mingled with
one another, but many of the most eminent persons, attending Brutus,
conducted him in the midst of them with great honour from the capitol,
and placed him in the rostra. At the sight of Brutus, the crowd, though
consisting of a confused mixture and all disposed to make a tumult,
were struck with reverence, and expected what he would say with order
and with silence, and, when he began to speak, heard him with quiet
and attention. But that all were not pleased with this action they
plainly showed when, Cinna beginning to speak and accuse Caesar, they
broke out into a sudden rage, and railed at him in such language that
the whole party thought fit again to withdraw to the capitol. And
there Brutus, expecting to be besieged, dismissed the most eminent
of those that had accompanied them thither, not thinking it just that
they who were not partakers of the fact should share in the danger.

But the next day, the senate being assembled in the temple of the
Earth, and Antony and Plancus and Cicero having made orations recommending
concord in general and an act of oblivion, it was decreed that the
men should not only be put out of all fear or danger, but that the
consuls should see what honours and dignities were proper to be conferred
upon them. After which done, the senate broke up; and, Antony having
sent his son as an hostage to the capitol, Brutus and his company
came down, and mutual salutes and invitations passed amongst them,
the whole of them being gathered together. Antony invited and entertained
Cassius, Lepidus did the same to Brutus, and the rest were invited
and entertained by others, as each of them had acquaintance or friends.
And as soon as it was day, the senate met again, and voted thanks
to Antony for having stifled the beginning of a civil war; afterwards
Brutus and his associates that were present received encomiums, and
had provinces assigned and distributed among them. Crete was allotted
to Brutus, Africa to Cassius, Asia to Trebonius, Bithynia to Cimber,
and to the other Brutus Gaul about the Po. 

After these things, they began to consider of Caesar's will, and the
ordering of his funeral. Antony desired that the will might be read,
and that the body should not have a private or dishonourable interment,
lest that should further exasperate the people. This Cassius violently
opposed, but Brutus yielded to it, and gave leave; in which he seems
to have a second time committed a fault. For as before in sparing
the life of Antony he could not be without some blame from his party,
as thereby setting up against the conspiracy a dangerous and difficult
enemy, so now, in suffering him to have the ordering of the funeral,
he fell into a total and irrevocable error. For first, it appearing
by the will that Caesar had bequeathed to the Roman people seventy-five
drachmas a man, and given to the public his gardens beyond Tiber (where
now the temple of Fortune stands), the whole city was fired with a
wonderful affection for him, and a passionate sense of the loss of
him. And when the body was brought forth into the forum, Antony, as
the custom was, making a funeral oration in the praise of Caesar,
and finding the multitude moved with his speech, passing into the
pathetic tone, unfolded the bloody garment of Caesar, showed them
in how many places it was pierced, and the number of his wounds. Now
there was nothing to be seen but confusion, some cried out to kill
the murderers, others (as was formerly done when Clodius led the people)
tore away the benches and tables out of the shops round about, and,
heaping them altogether, built a great funeral pile, and having put
the body of Caesar upon it, set it on fire, the spot where this was
done being moreover surrounded with a great many temples and other
consecrated places, so that they seemed to burn the body in a kind
of sacred solemnity. As soon as the fire flamed out, the multitude,
flocking in some from one part and some from another, snatched the
brands that were half burnt out of the pile, and ran about the city
to fire the houses of the murderers of Caesar. But they, having beforehand
well fortified themselves, repelled this danger. 

There was, however, a kind of poet, one Cinna, not at all concerned
in the guilt of the conspiracy, but on the contrary one of Caesar's
friends. This man dreamed that he was invited to supper by Caesar,
and that he declined to go, but that Caesar entreated and pressed
him to it very earnestly; and at last, taking him by the hand, led
him into a very deep and dark place, whither he was forced against
his will to follow in great consternation and amazement. After this
vision, he had a fever the most part of the night; nevertheless in
the morning, hearing that the body of Caesar was to be carried forth
to be interred, he was ashamed not to be present at the solemnity,
and came abroad and joined the people, when they were already infuriated
by the speech of Antony. And perceiving him, and taking him not for
that Cinna who indeed he was, but for him that a little before in
a speech to the people had reproached and inveighed against Caesar,
they fell upon him and tore him to pieces. 

This action chiefly, and the alteration that Antony had wrought, so
alarmed Brutus and his party that for their safety they retired from
the city. The first stay they made was at Antium, with a design to
return again as soon as the fury of the people had spent itself and
was abated, which they expected would soon and easily come to pass
in an unsettled multitude, apt to be carried away with any sudden
and impetuous passion, especially since they had the senate favourable
to them; which, though it took no notice of those that had torn Cinna
to pieces, yet made a strict search and apprehended in order to punishment
those that had assaulted the houses of the friends of Brutus and Cassius.
By this time, also, the people began to be dissatisfied with Antony,
who they perceived was setting up a kind of monarchy for himself;
they longed for the return of Brutus, whose presence they expected
and hoped for at the games and spectacles which he, as praetor, was
to exhibit to the public. But he having intelligence that many of
the old soldiers that had borne arms under Caesar, by whom they had
had lands and cities given them, lay in wait for him, and by small
parties at a time had stolen into the city, would not venture to come
himself; however, in his absence there were most magnificent and costly
shows exhibited to the people; for, having brought up a great number
of all sorts of wild beasts, he gave order that not any of them should
be returned or saved, but that all should be spent freely at the public
spectacles. He himself made a journey to Naples to procure considerable
number of players, and hearing of one Canutius that was very much
praised for his acting upon the stage, he wrote to his friends to
use all their entreaties to bring him to Rome (for, being a Grecian,
he could not be compelled); he wrote also to Cicero, begging him by
no means to omit being present at the shows. 

This was the posture of affairs when another sudden alteration was
made upon the young Caesar's coming to Rome. He was son to the niece
of Caesar, who adopted him, and left him his heir by his will. At
the time when Caesar was killed, he was following his studies at Apollonia,
where he was expecting also to meet Caesar on his way to the expedition
which he had determined on against the Parthians; but, hearing of
his death, he immediately came to Rome, and to ingratiate himself
with the people, taking upon himself the name of Caesar, and punctually
distributing among the citizens the money that was left them by the
will, he soon got the better of Antony; and by money and largesses,
which he liberally dispersed amongst the soldiers, he gathered together
and brought over to his party a great number of those that had served
under Caesar. Cicero himself, out of the hatred which he bore to Antony,
sided with young Caesar; which Brutus took so ill that he treated
with him very sharply in his letters, telling him that he perceived
Cicero could well enough endure a tyrant, but was afraid that he who
hated him should be the man; that in writing and speaking so well
of Caesar, he showed that his aim was to have an easy slavery. "But
our forefathers," said Brutus, "could not brook even gentle masters."
Further he added, that for his own part he had not as yet fully resolved
whether he should make war or peace; but that as to one point he was
fixed and settled, which was, never to be a slave; that he wondered
Cicero should fear the dangers of a civil war, and not be much more
afraid of a dishonourable and infamous peace; that the very reward
that was to be given him for subverting Antony's tyranny was the privilege
of establishing Caesar as tyrant in his place. This is the tone of
Brutus's first letters to Cicero. 

The city being now divided into two factions, some betaking themselves
to Caesar and others to Antony, the soldiers selling themselves, as
it were, by public outcry, and going over to him that would give them
most, Brutus began to despair of any good event of such proceedings,
and, resolving to leave Italy, passed by land through Lucania and
came to Elea by the seaside. From hence it was thought convenient
that Porcia should return to Rome. She was overcome with grief to
part from Brutus, but strove as much as was possible to conceal it;
but, in spite of all her constancy, a picture which she found there
accidentally betrayed it. It was a Greek subject, Hector parting from
Andromache when he went to engage the Greeks, giving his young son
Astyanax into her arms, and she fixing her eyes upon him. When she
looked at this piece, the resemblance it bore to her own condition
made her burst into tears, and several times a day she went to see
the picture, and wept before it. Upon this occasion, when Acilius,
one of Brutus's friends, repeated out of Homer the verses, where Andromache
speaks to Hector:- 

"But Hector, you 
To me are father and are mother too, 
My brother, and my loving husband true." Brutus, smiling, replied,
"But I must not answer Porcia, as Hector did Andromache:-

"Mind you your loom, and to your maids give law." "For though the
natural weakness of her body hinders her from doing what only the
strength of men can perform, yet she has a mind as valiant and as
active for the good of her country as the best of us." This narrative
is in the memoirs of Brutus written by Bibulus, Porcia's son.

Brutus took ship from hence, and sailed to Athens, where he was received
by the people with great demonstrations of kindness, expressed in
their acclamation and the honours that were decreed him. He lived
there with a private friend, and was a constant auditor of Theomnestus,
the Academic, and Cratippus, the Peripatetic, with whom he so engaged
in philosophical pursuits that he seemed to have laid aside all thoughts
of public business, and to be wholly at leisure for study. But all
this while, being unsuspected, he was secretly making preparations
for war; in order to which he sent Herostratus into Macedonia to secure
the commanders there to his side, and he himself won over and kept
at his disposal all the young Romans that were then students at Athens.
Of this number was Cicero's son whom he everywhere highly extols,
and says that whether sleeping or waking he could not choose but admire
a young man of so great a spirit and such a hater of tyranny.

At length he began to act openly, and to appear in public business,
and, being informed that there were several Roman ships full of treasure
that in their course from Asia were to come that way, and that they
were commanded by one of his friends, he went to meet him about Carystus.
Finding him there, and having persuaded him to deliver lip the ships,
he made a more than usually splendid entertainment, for it happened
also to be his birthday. Now when they came to drink, and were filling
their cups with hopes for victory to Brutus and liberty to Rome, Brutus,
to animate them the more, called for a larger bowl, and holding it
in his hand, on a sudden, upon no occasion or forethought, pronounced
aloud this verse:- 

"But fate my death and Leto's son have wrought." And some writers
add that in the last battle which he fought at Philippi, the word
that he gave to his soldiers was Apollo, and from thence conclude
that this sudden unaccountable exclamation of his was a presage of
the overthrow that he suffered there. 

Antistius, the commander of these ships, at his parting, gave him
fifty thousand myriads of the money that he was conveying to Italy;
and all the soldiers yet remaining of Pompey's army, who after their
general's defeat wandered about Thessaly, readily and joyfully flocked
together to join him. Besides this, he took from Cinna five hundred
horse that he was carrying to Dolabella into Asia. After that, he
sailed to Demetrias, and there seized a great quantity of arms that
had been provided by the command of the deceased Caesar for the Parthian
war, and were now to be sent to Antony. Then Macedonia was put into
his hands and delivered up by Hortensius the praetor, and all the
kings and potentates round about came and offered their services.
So when news was brought that Caius, the brother of Antony, having
passed over from Italy, was marching on directly to join the forces
that Vatinius commanded in Dyrrhachium and Apollonia, Brutus resolved
to anticipate him, and to seize them first, and in all haste moved
forwards with those that he had about him. His march was very difficult,
through rugged places and in a great snow, but so swift that he left
those that were to bring his provisions for the morning meal a great
way behind. And now, being very near to Dyrrhachium, with fatigue
and cold he fell into the distemper called Bulimia. This is a disease
that seizes both men and cattle after much labour, and especially
in a great snow; whether it is caused by the natural heat when the
body is seized with cold, being forced all inwards, and consuming
at once all the nourishment laid in, or whether the sharp and subtle
vapour which comes from the snow as it dissolves cuts the body, as
it were, and destroys the heat which issues through the pores; for
the sweatings seem to arise from the heat meeting with the cold, and
being quenched by it on the surface of the body. But this I have in
another place discussed more at large. 

Brutus growing very faint, and there being none in the whole army
that had anything for him to eat, his servants were forced to have
recourse to the enemy, and, going as far as to the gates of the city,
begged bread of the sentinels that were upon duty. As soon as they
heard of the condition of Brutus, they came themselves, and brought
both meat and drink along with them; in return for which Brutus, when
he took the city, showed the greatest kindness, not to them only,
but to all the inhabitants, for their sakes. Caius Antonius, in the
meantime, coming to Apollonia, summoned all the soldiers that were
near that city to join him there; but finding that they nevertheless
went all to Brutus, and suspecting that even those of Apollonia were
inclined to the same party, he quitted that city, and came to Buthrotum,
having first lost three cohorts of his men, that in their march thither
were cut to pieces by Brutus. After this, attempting to make himself
master of some strong places about Byllis which the enemy had first
seized, he was overcome in a set battle by young Cicero, to whom Brutus
gave the command, and whose conduct he made use of often and with
much success. Caius himself was surprised in a marshy place, at a
distance from his support; and Brutus having him in his power would
not suffer his soldiers to attack, but maneuvering about the enemy
with his horse, gave command that none of them should be killed, for
that in a little time they would all be of his side; which accordingly
came to pass, for they surrendered both themselves and their general.
So that Brutus had by this time a very great and considerable army.
He showed all marks of honour and esteem to Caius for a long time,
and left him the use of the ensigns of his office, though, as some
report, he had several letters from Rome, and particularly from Cicero,
advising him to put him to death. But at last, perceiving that he
began to corrupt his officers, and was trying to raise a mutiny amongst
the soldiers, he put him aboard a ship and kept him close prisoner.
In the meantime, the soldiers that had been corrupted by Caius retired
to Apollonia, and sent word to Brutus, desiring him to come to them
thither. He answered that this was not the custom of the Romans, but
that it became those who had offended to come themselves to their
general and beg forgiveness of their offences; which they did, and
accordingly received their pardon. 

As he was preparing to pass into Asia, tidings reached him of the
alteration that had happened at Rome; where the young Caesar, assisted
by the senate, in opposition to Antony, and having driven his competitor
out of Italy, had begun himself to be very formidable, suing for the
consulship contrary to law, and maintaining large bodies of troops
of which the commonwealth had no manner of need. And then, perceiving
that the senate, dissatisfied with the proceedings, began to cast
their eyes abroad upon Brutus, and decreed and confirmed the government
of several provinces to him, he had taken the alarm. Therefore despatching
messengers to Antony, he desired that there might be a reconciliation,
and a friendship between them. Then, drawing all his forces about
the city, he made himself to be chosen consul, though he was but a
boy, being scarce twenty years old, as he himself writes in his memoirs.
At the first entry upon the consulship he immediately ordered a judicial
process to be issued out against Brutus and his accomplices for having
murdered a principal man of the city, holding the highest magistracies
of Rome, without being heard or condemned; and appointed Lucius Cornificus
to accuse Brutus, and Marcus Agrippa to accuse Cassius. None appearing
to the accusation, the judges were forced to pass sentence and condemn
them both. It is reported that when the crier from the tribunal, as
the custom was, with a loud voice cried Brutus to appear, the people
groaned audibly, and the noble citizens hung down their heads for
grief. Publicus Silicius was seen to burst out into tears, which was
the cause that not long after he was put down in the list of those
that were proscribed. After this, the three men, Caesar, Antony, and
Lepidus, being perfectly reconciled, shared the provinces among themselves,
and made up the catalogue of proscription, wherein were set those
that were designed for slaughter, amounting to two hundred men, in
which number Cicero was slain. 

The news being brought to Brutus in Macedonia, he was under a compulsion,
and sent orders to Hortensius that he should kill Caius Antonius in
revenge of the death of Cicero his friend, and Brutus his kinsman,
who also was proscribed and slain. Upon this account it was that Antony,
having afterwards taken Hortensius in the battle of Philippi, slew
him upon his brother's tomb. But Brutus expresses himself as more
ashamed for the cause of Cicero's death than grieved for the misfortune
of it, and says he cannot help accusing his friends at Rome, that
they were slaves more through their own doing than that of those who
now were their tyrants; they could be present and see and yet suffer
those things which even to hear related ought to them to have been
insufferable. 

Having made his army, that was already very considerable, pass into
Asia, he ordered a fleet to be prepared in Bithynia and about Cyzicus.
But going himself through the country by land, he made it his business
to settle and confirm all the cities, and gave audience to the princes
of the parts through which he passed. And he sent orders into Syria
to Cassius to come to him, and leave his intended journey into Egypt;
letting him understand that it was not to gain an empire for themselves,
but to free their country, that they went thus wandering about and
had got an army together whose business it was to destroy the tyrants;
that therefore, if they remembered and resolved to persevere in their
first purpose, they ought not to be too far from Italy, but make what
haste they could thither, and endeavour to relieve their fellow-citizens
from oppression. 

Cassius obeyed his summons, and returned, and Brutus went to meet
him; and at Smyrna they met, which was the first time they had seen
one another since they parted at the Piraeus in Athens, one for Syria,
and the other for Macedonia. They were both extremely joyful and had
great confidence of their success at the sight of the forces that
each of them had got together, since they who had fled from Italy,
like the most despicable exiles, without money, without arms, without
a ship or a soldier or a city to rely on, in a little time after had
met together so well furnished with shipping and money, and an army
both of horse and foot, that they were in a condition to contend for
the empire of Rome. 

Cassius was desirous to show no less respect and honour to Brutus
than Brutus did to him; but Brutus was still beforehand with him,
coming for the most part to him, both because he was the elder man,
and of a weaker constitution than himself. Men generally reckoned
Cassius a very expert soldier, but of a harsh and angry nature, and
one that desired to command rather by fear than love, though, on the
other side, among his familiar acquaintance he would easily give way
to jesting and play the buffoon. But Brutus, for his virtue, was esteemed
by the people, beloved by his friends, admired by the best men, and
hated not by his enemies themselves. For he was a man of a singularly
gentle nature, of a great spirit, insensible of the passions of anger
or pleasure or covetousness; steady and inflexible to maintain his
purpose for what he thought right and honest. And that which gained
him the greatest affection and reputation was the entire faith in
his intentions. For it had not ever been supposed that Pompey the
Great himself, if he had overcome Caesar, would have submitted his
power to the laws, instead of taking the management of the state upon
himself, soothing the people with the specious name of consul or dictator,
or some other milder title than king. And they were well persuaded
that Cassius, being a man governed by anger and passion, and carried
often, for his interest's sake, beyond the bounds of justice, endured
all these hardships of war and travel and danger most assuredly to
obtain dominion to himself, and not liberty to the people. And as
for the former disturbers of the peace of Rome, whether a Cinna, a
Marius, or a Carbo, it is manifest that they, having set their country
as a stake for him that should win, did almost own in express terms
that they fought for empire. But even the enemies of Brutus did not,
they tell us, lay this accusation to his charge; nay, many heard Antony
himself say that Brutus was the only man that conspired against Caesar
out of a sense of the glory and the apparent justice of the action,
but that all the rest rose up against the man himself, from private
envy and malice of their own. And it is plain by what he writes himself,
that Brutus did not so much rely upon his forces, as upon his own
virtue. For thus he speaks in a letter to Atticus, shortly before
he was to engage with the enemy: that his affairs were in the best
state of fortune that he could wish; for that either he should overcome,
and restore liberty to the people of Rome, or die, and be himself
out of the reach of slavery; that other things being certain and beyond
all hazard, one thing was yet in doubt, whether they should live or
die free men. He adds further, that Mark Antony had received a just
punishment for his folly, who, when he might have been numbered with
Brutus and Cassius and Cato, would join himself to Octavius; that
though they should not now be both overcome, they soon would fight
between themselves. And in this he seems to have been no ill-prophet.

Now when they were at Smyrna, Brutus desired of Cassius that he might
have part of the great treasure that he had heaped up, because all
his own was expended in furnishing out such a fleet of ships as was
sufficient to keep the whole interior sea in their power. But Cassius's
friends dissuaded him from this; "for," said they, "it is not just
that the money which you with so much parsimony keep, and with so
much envy have got, should be given to him to be disposed of in making
himself popular, and gaining the favour of the soldiers." Notwithstanding
this, Cassius gave him a third part of all that he had; and then they
parted each to their several commands. Cassius, having taken Rhodes,
behaved himself there with no clemency; though at his first entry,
when some had called him lord and king, he answered that he was neither
king nor lord, but the destroyer and punisher of a king and lord.
Brutus, on the other part, sent to the Lycians to demand from them
a supply of money and men, but Laucrates, their popular leader, persuaded
the cities to resist, and they occupied several little mountains and
hills with a design to hinder Brutus's passage. Brutus at first sent
out a party of horse which, surprising them as they were eating, killed
six hundred of them, and afterward, having taken all their small towns
and villages round about, he set all his prisoners free without ransom,
hoping to win the whole nation by good-will. But they continued obstinate,
taking in anger what they had suffered, and despising his goodness
and humanity; until, having forced the most warlike of them into the
city of Xanthus, he besieged them there. They endeavoured to make
their escape by swimming and diving through the river that flows by
the town, but were taken by nets let down for that purpose in the
channel, which had little bells at the top, which gave present notice
of any that were taken in them. After that, they made a sally in the
night, and seizing several of the battering engines, set them on fire;
but being perceived by the Romans, were beaten back to their walls,
and there being a strong wind, it carried the flames to the battlements
of the city with such fierceness that several of the adjoining houses
took fire. Brutus, fearing lest the whole city should be destroyed,
commanded his own soldiers to assist and quench the fire.

But the Lycians were on a sudden possessed with a strange and incredible
desperation; such a frenzy as cannot be better expressed than by calling
it a violent appetite to die, for both women and children, the bondmen
and the free, those of all ages and of all conditions strove to force
away the soldiers that came in to their assistance from the walls;
and themselves gathering together reeds and wood, and whatever combustible
matter they found, spread the fire over the whole city, feeding it
with whatever fuel they could, and by all possible means exciting
its fury, so that the flame, having dispersed itself and encircled
the whole city, blazed out in so terrible a manner that Brutus, extremely
afflicted at their calamity, got on horseback and rode round the walls,
earnestly desirous to preserve the city, and stretching forth his
hands to the Xanthians, begged of them that they would spare themselves
and save the town. Yet none regarded his entreaties, but, by all manner
of ways, strove to destroy themselves; not only men and women, but
even boys and little children, with a hideous outcry, leaped some
into the fire, others from the walls, others fell upon their parents'
swords, baring their throats and desiring to be struck. After the
destruction of the city, there was found a woman who had hanged herself
with her young child hanging from her neck, and the torch in her hand
with which she had fired her own house. 

It was so tragical a sight that Brutus could not endure to see it,
but wept at the very relation of it and proclaimed a reward to any
soldier that could save a Xanthian. And it is said that an hundred
and fifty only were found, to have their lives saved against their
wills. Thus the Xanthians after a long space of years, the fated period
of their destruction having, as it were, run its course, repeated
by their desperate deed the former calamity of their forefathers,
who after the very same manner in the Persian war had fired their
city and destroyed themselves. 

Brutus, after this, finding the Patareans resolved to make resistance
and hold out their city against him, was very unwilling to besiege
it, and was in great perplexity lest the same frenzy might seize them
too. But having in his power some of their women, who were his prisoners,
he dismissed them all without any ransom; who, returning and giving
an account to their husbands and fathers, who were of the greatest
rank, what an excellent man Brutus was, how temperate and how just,
persuaded them to yield themselves and put their city into his hands.
From this time all the cities round about came into his power, submitting
themselves to him, and found him good and merciful even beyond their
hopes. For though Cassius at the same time had compelled the Rhodians
to bring in all the silver and gold that each of them privately was
possessed of, by which he raised a sum of eight thousand talents,
and besides this had condemned the public to pay the sum of five hundred
talents more, Brutus, not having taken above a hundred and fifty talents
from the Lycians, and having done them no other manner of injury,
parted from thence with his army to go into Ionia. 

Through the whole course of this expedition, Brutus did many memorable
acts of justice in dispensing rewards and punishments to such as had
deserved either; but one in particular I will relate, because he himself,
and all the noblest Romans, were gratified with it above all the rest.
When Pompey the Great, being overthrown from his great power by Caesar,
had fled to Egypt, and landed near Pelusium, the protectors of the
young king consulted among themselves what was fit to be done on that
occasion, nor could they all agree in the same opinion, some being
for receiving him, others for driving him from Egypt. But Theodotus,
a Chian by birth, and then attending upon the king as a paid teacher
of rhetoric, and for want of better men admitted into the council,
undertook to prove to them that both parties were in the wrong, those
that counselled to receive Pompey, and those that advised to send
him away; that in their present case one thing only was truly expedient,
to seize him and to kill him; and ended his argument with the proverb,
that "dead men don't bite." The council agreed to his opinion, and
Pompey the Great (an example of incredible and unforeseen events)
was slain, as the sophister himself had the impudence to boast, through
the rhetoric and cleverness of Theodotus. Not long after, when Caesar
came to Egypt, some of the murderers received their just reward and
suffered the evil death they deserved. But Theodotus, though he had
borrowed on from fortune a little further time for a poor, despicable,
and wandering life, yet did not lie hid from Brutus as he passed through
Asia; but being seized by him and executed, had his death made more
memorable than was his life. 

About this time, Brutus sent to Cassius to come to him at the city
of Sardis, and, when he was on his journey, went forth with his friends
to meet him; and the whole army in array saluted each of them with
the name of Imperator. Now (as it usually happens in business of great
concern, and where many friends and many commanders are engaged),
several jealousies of each other and matters of private accusation
having passed between Brutus and Cassius, they resolved, before they
entered upon any other business, immediately to withdraw into some
apartment; where, the door being shut and they two alone, they began
first to expostulate, then to dispute hotly, and accuse each other;
and finally were so transported into passion as to fall to hard words,
and at last burst out into tears. Their friends who stood without
were amazed, hearing them loud and angry, and feared lest some mischief
might follow, but yet durst not interrupt them, being commanded not
to enter the room. However, Marcus Favonius, who had been an ardent
admirer of Cato, and, not so much by his learning or wisdom as by
his wild, vehement manner, maintained the character of a philosopher,
was rushing in upon them, but was hindered by the attendants. But
it was a hard matter to stop Favonius, wherever his wildness hurried
him; for he was fierce in all his behaviour, and ready to do anything
to get his will. And though he was a senator, yet, thinking that one
of the least of his excellences, he valued himself more upon a sort
of cynical liberty of speaking what he pleased, which sometimes, indeed,
did away with the rudeness and unseasonableness of his addresses with
those that would interpret it in jest. This Favonius, breaking by
force through those that kept the doors, entered into the chamber,
and with a set voice declaimed the verses that Homer makes Nestor
use- 

"Be ruled, for I am older than ye both." At this Cassius laughed;
but Brutus thrust him out, calling him impudent dog and counterfeit
Cynic; but yet for the present they let it put an end to their dispute,
and parted. Cassius made a supper that night, and Brutus invited the
guests; and when they were set down, Favonius, having bathed, came
in among them. Brutus called out aloud and told him he was not invited,
and bade him go to the upper couch; but he violently thrust himself
in, and lay down on the middle one; and the entertainment passed in
sportive talk, not wanting either wit or philosophy. 

The next day after, upon the accusation of the Sardians, Brutus publicly
disgraced and condemned Lucius Pella, one that had been censor of
Rome, and employed in offices of trust by himself, for having embezzled
the public money. This action did not a little vex Cassius; for but
a few days before, two of his own friends being accused of the same
crime, he only admonished them in private, but in public absolved
them, and continued them in his service; and upon this occasion he
accused Brutus of too much rigour and severity of justice in a time
which required them to use more policy and favour. But Brutus bade
him remember the Ides of March, the day when they killed Caesar, who
himself neither plundered nor pillaged mankind, but was only the support
and strength of those that did; and bade him consider that if there
was any colour for justice to be neglected, it had been better to
suffer the injustice of Caesar's friends than to give impunity to
their own; "for then," said he, "we would have been accused of cowardice
only; whereas now we are liable to the accusation of injustice, after
all our pain and dangers which we endure." By which we may perceive
what was Brutus's purpose, and the rule of his actions. 

About the time that they were going to pass out of Asia into Europe,
it is said that a wonderful sign was seen by Brutus. He was naturally
given to much watching, and by practice and moderation in his diet
had reduced his allowance of sleep to a very small amount of time.
He never slept in the daytime, and in the night then only when all
his business was finished, and when, every one else being gone to
rest, he had nobody to discourse with him. But at this time, the war
being begun, having the whole state of it to consider, and being solicitous
of the event, after his first sleep, which he let himself take after
his supper, he spent all the rest of the night in settling his most
urgent affairs; which if he could despatch early and so make a saving
of any leisure, he employed himself in reading until the third watch,
at which time the centurions and tribunes were used to come to him
for orders. Thus one night before he passed out of Asia, he was very
late all alone in his tent, with a dim light burning by him, all the
rest of the camp being bushed and silent; and reasoning about something
with himself and very thoughtful, he fancied some one came in, and,
looking up towards the door, he saw a terrible and strange appearance
of an unnatural and frightful body standing by him without speaking.
Brutus boldly asked it, "What are you, of men or gods, and upon what
business come to me?" The figure answered "I am your evil genius,
Brutus; you shall see me at Philippi." To which Brutus, not at all
disturbed, replied, "Then I shall see you." 

As soon as the apparition vanished, he called his servants to him,
who all told him that they had neither heard any voice nor seen any
vision. So then he continued watching till the morning, when he went
to Cassius, and told him of what he had seen. He, who followed the
principles of Epicurus's philosophy, and often used to dispute with
Brutus concerning matters of this nature, spoke to him thus upon this
occasion: "It is the opinion of our sect, Brutus, that not all that
we feel or see is real and true; but that the sense is a most slippery
and deceitful thing, and the mind yet more quick and subtle to put
the sense in motion and affect it with every kind of change upon no
real occasion of fact; just as an impression is made upon wax; and
the soul of man, which has in itself both what imprints, and what
is imprinted on, may most easily, by its own operations, produce and
assume every variety of shape and figure. This is evident from the
sudden changes of our dreams; in which the imaginative principle,
once started by any trifling matter, goes through a whole series of
most diverse emotions and appearances. It is its nature to be ever
in motion, and its motion is fantasy or conception. But besides all
this, in your case, the body, being tired and distressed with continual
toil, naturally works upon the mind and keeps it in an excited and
unusual condition. But that there should be any such thing as supernatural
beings, or, if there were, that they should have human shape or voice
or power that can reach to us, there is no reason for believing; though
I confess I could wish that there were such beings, that we might
not rely upon our arms only, and our horses and our navy, all which
are so numerous and powerful, but might be confident of the assistance
of gods also, in this our most sacred and honourable attempt." With
such discourses as these Cassius soothed the mind of Brutus. But just
as the troops were going on board, two eagles flew and lighted on
the first two ensigns, and crossed over the water with them, and never
ceased following the soldiers and being fed by them till they came
to Philippi, and there, but one day before the fight, they both flew
away. 

Brutus had already reduced most of the places and people of these
parts; but they now marched on as far as to the coast opposite Thasos,
and, if there were any city or man of power that yet stood out, brought
them all to subjection. At this point Norbanus was encamped, in a
place called the Straits, near Symbolum. Him they surrounded in such
sort that they forced him to dislodge and quit the place; and Norbanus
narrowly escaped losing his whole army, Caesar by reason of sickness
being too far behind; only Antony came to his relief with such wonderful
swiftness that Brutus and those with him did not believe when they
heard he was come. Caesar came up ten days after, and encamped over
against Brutus, and Antony over against Cassius. 

The space between the two armies is called by the Romans the Campi
Philippi. Never had two such large Roman armies come together to engage
each other. That of Brutus was somewhat less in number than that of
Caesar, but in the splendidness of the men's arms and richness of
their equipage it wonderfully exceeded; for most of their arms were
of gold and silver, which Brutus had lavishly bestowed among them.
For though in other things he had accustomed his commanders to use
all frugality and self-control, yet he thought that the riches which
soldiers carried about them in their hands and on their bodies would
add something of spirit to those that were desirous of glory, and
would make those that were covetous and lovers of gain fight the more
valiantly to preserve the arms which were their estate. 

Caesar made a view and lustration of his army within his trenches,
and distributed only a little corn and but five drachmas to each soldier
for the sacrifice they were to make. But Brutus, either pitying this
poverty, or disdaining this meanness of spirit in Caesar, first, as
the custom was, made a general muster and lustration of the army in
the open field, and then distributed a great number of beasts for
sacrifice to every regiment, and fifty drachmas to every soldier;
so that in the love of his soldiers and their readiness to fight for
him Brutus had much the advantage. But at the time of lustration it
is reported that an unlucky omen happened to Cassius; for his lictor,
presenting him with a garland that he was to wear at sacrifice, gave
it him the wrong way up. Further, it is said that some time before,
at a certain solemn procession, a golden image of Victory, which was
carried before Cassius, fell down by a slip of him that carried it.
Besides this there appeared many birds of prey daily about the camp,
and swarms of bees were seen in a place within the trenches, which
place the soothsayers ordered shut out from the camp, to remove the
superstition which insensibly began to infect even Cassius himself
and shake him in his Epicurean philosophy, and had wholly seized and
subdued the soldiers; from whence it was that Cassius was reluctant
to put all to the hazard of a present battle, but advised rather to
draw out the war until further time, considering that they were stronger
in money and provisions, but in numbers of men and arms inferior.
But Brutus, on the contrary, was still, as formerly, desirous to come
with all speed to the decision of a battle; that so he might either
restore his country to her liberty, or else deliver from their misery
all those numbers of people whom they harassed with the expenses and
the service and exactions of the war. And finding also his light-horse
in several skirmishes still to have had the better, he was the more
encouraged and resolved; and some of the soldiers having deserted
and gone to the enemy, and others beginning to accuse and suspect
one another, many of Cassius's friends in the council changed their
opinions to that of Brutus. But there was one of Brutus's party, named
Attellius, who opposed his resolution, advising rather that they should
tarry over the winter. And when Brutus asked him in how much better
a condition he hoped to be a year after, his answer was, "If I gain
nothing else, yet I shall live so much the longer." Cassius was much
displeased at this answer; and among the rest, Attellius was had in
much disesteem for it. And so it was presently resolved to give battle
the next day. 

Brutus that night at supper showed himself very cheerful and full
of hope, and reasoned on subjects of philosophy with his friends,
and afterwards went to his rest. But Messala says that Cassius supped
privately with a few of his nearest acquaintance, and appeared thoughtful
and silent, contrary to his temper and custom; that after supper he
took him earnestly by the hand, and speaking to him, as his manner
was when he wished to show affection, in Greek, said, "Bear witness
for me, Messala, that I am brought into the same necessity as Pompey
the Great was before me, of hazarding the liberty of my country upon
one battle; yet ought we to be of courage, relying on our good fortune,
which it were unfair to mistrust, though we take evil counsels." These,
Messala says, were the last words that Cassius spoke before he bade
him farewell; and that he was invited to sup with him the next night,
being his birthday. 

As soon as it was morning, the signal of battle, the scarlet coat,
was set out in Brutus's and Cassius's camps, and they themselves met
in the middle space between their two armies. There Cassius spoke
thus to Brutus: "Be it as we hope, O Brutus, that this day we may
overcome, and all the rest of our time may live a happy life together;
but since the greatest of human concerns are the most uncertain, and
since it may be difficult for us ever to see one another again, if
the battle should go against us, tell me, what is your resolution
concerning flight and death?" Brutus answered, "When I was young,
Cassius, and unskillful in affairs, I was led, I know not how, into
uttering a bold sentence in philosophy, and blamed Cato for killing
himself, as thinking it an irreligious act, and not a valiant one
among men, to try to evade the divine course of things, and not fearlessly
to receive and undergo the evil that shall happen, but run away from
it. But now in my own fortunes I am of another mind; for if Providence
shall not dispose what we now undertake according to our wishes, I
resolve to put no further hopes or warlike preparations to the proof,
but will die contented with my fortune. For I already have given up
my life to my country on the Ides of March; and have lived since then
a second life for her sake, with liberty and honour." Cassius at these
words smiled, and, embracing Brutus, said, "With these resolutions
let us go on upon the enemy; for either we ourselves shall conquer,
or have no cause to fear those that do." After this they discoursed
among their friends about the ordering of the battle; and Brutus desired
of Cassius that he might command the right wing, though it was thought
that this was more fit for Cassius, in regard both of his age and
his experience. Yet even in this Cassius complied with Brutus, and
placed Messala with the valiantest of all his legions in the same
wing, so Brutus immediately drew out his horse, excellently well equipped,
and was not long in bringing up his foot after them. 

Antony's soldiers were casting trenches from the marsh by which they
were encamped across the plain, to cut off Cassius's communications
with the sea. Caesar was to be at hand with his troops to support
them, but he was not able to be present himself, by reason of his
sickness; and his soldiers, not much expecting that the enemy would
come to a set battle, but only make some excursions with their darts
and light arms to disturb the men at work in the trenches, and not
taking notice of the troops drawn up against them ready to give battle,
were amazed when they heard the confused and great outcry that came
from the trenches. In the meanwhile Brutus had sent his tickets, in
which was the word of battle, to the officers; and himself riding
about to all the troops, encouraged the soldiers; but there were but
few of them that understood the word before they engaged; the most
of them, not staying to have it delivered to them, with one impulse
and cry ran upon the enemy. This disorder caused an unevenness in
the line, and the legions got severed and divided one from another;
that of Messala first, and afterwards the other adjoining, went beyond
the left wing of Caesar and having just touched the extremity, without
slaughtering any great number, passing around that wing, fell directly
into Caesar's camp. Caesar himself, as his own memoirs tell us, had
but just before been conveyed away, Marcus Artorius, one of his friends,
having had a dream bidding Caesar be carried out of the camp. And
it was believed that he was slain; for the soldiers had pierced his
litter, which was left empty, in many places with their darts and
pikes. There was a great slaughter in the camp that was taken; and
two thousand Lacedaemonians that were newly come to the assistance
of Caesar were all cut off together. 

The rest of the army, that had not gone round, but had engaged the
front, easily overthrew them, finding them in great disorder, and
slew upon the place three legions; and being carried on with the stream
of victory, pursuing those that fled, fell into the camp with them,
Brutus himself being there. But they that were conquered took the
advantage in their extremity of what the conquerors did not consider.
For they fell upon that part of the main body which had been left
exposed and separated, where the right wing had broke off from them
and hurried away in the pursuit; yet they could not break into the
midst of their battle, but were received with strong resistance and
obstinacy. Yet they put to flight the left wing, where Cassius commanded,
being in great disorder, and ignorant of what had passed on the other
wing; and pursuing them to their camp, they pillaged and destroyed
it, neither of their generals being present; for Antony, they say,
to avoid the fury of the first onset, had retired into the marsh that
was hard by; and Caesar was nowhere to be found after his being conveyed
out of the tents; though some of the soldiers showed Brutus their
swords bloody, and declared that they had killed him, describing his
person and his age. By this time also the centre of Brutus's battle
had driven back their opponents with great slaughter; and Brutus was
everywhere plainly conqueror, as on the other side Cassius was conquered.
And this one mistake was the ruin of their affairs, that Brutus did
not come to the relief of Cassius, thinking, that he, as well as himself,
was conqueror; and that Cassius did not expect the relief of Brutus,
thinking that he too was overcome. For as a proof that the victory
was on Brutus's side, Messala urges his taking three eagles and many
ensigns of the enemy without losing any of his own. But now, returning
from the pursuit after having plundered Caesar's camp, Brutus wondered
that he could not see Cassius's tent standing high, as it was wont,
and appearing above the rest, nor other things appearing as they had
been; for they had been immediately pulled down and pillaged by the
enemy upon their first falling into the camp. But some that had a
quicker and longer sight than the rest acquainted Brutus that they
saw a great deal of shining armour and silver targets moving to and
fro in Cassius's camp, and that they thought, by their number and
the fashion of their armour, they could not be those that they left
to guard the camp; but yet that there did not appear so great a number
of dead bodies thereabouts as it was probable there would have been
after the actual defeat of so many legions. This first made Brutus
suspect Cassius's misfortune, and, leaving a guard in the enemy's
camp, he called back those that were in the pursuit, and rallied them
together to lead them to the relief of Cassius, whose fortune had
been as follows. 

First, he had been angry at the onset that Brutus's soldiers made,
without the word of battle or command to charge. Then, after they
had overcome, he was as much displeased to see them rush on to the
plunder and spoil, and neglect to surround and encompass the rest
of the enemy. Besides this, letting himself act by delay and expectation,
rather than command, boldly and with a clear purpose, he got hemmed
in by the right wing of the enemy, and, his horse making with all
haste their escape and flying towards the sea, the foot also began
to give way, which he perceiving laboured as much as ever he could
to hinder their flight and bring them back; and, snatching an ensign
out of the hand of one that fled, he stuck it at his feet, though
he could hardly keep even his own personal guard together. So that
at last he was forced to fly with a few about him to a little hill
that overlooked the plain. But he himself, being weak-sighted, discovered
nothing, only the destruction of his camp, and that with difficulty.
But they that were with him saw a great body of horse moving towards
him, the same whom Brutus had sent. Cassius believed these were enemies,
and in pursuit of him; however, he sent away Titinius, one of those
that were with him, to learn what they were. As soon as Brutus's horse
saw him coming, and knew him to be a friend and a faithful servant
of Cassius, those of them that were his more familiar acquaintance,
shouting out for joy and alighting from their horses, shook hands
and embraced him, and the rest rode round about him singing and shouting,
through their excess of gladness at the sight of him. But this was
the occasion of the greatest mischief that could be. For Cassius really
thought that Titinius had been taken by the enemy, and cried out,
"Through too much fondness of life, I have lived to endure the sight
of my friend taken by the enemy before my face." After which words
he retired into an empty tent, taking along with him only Pindarus,
one of his freemen, whom he had reserved for such an occasion ever
since the disasters in the expedition against the Parthians, when
Crassus was slain. From the Parthians he came away in safety; but
now, pulling up his mantle over his head, he made his neck bare, and
held it forth to Pindarus, commanding him to strike. The head was
certainly found lying severed from the body. But no man ever saw Pindarus
after, from which some suspected that he had killed his master without
his command. Soon after they perceived who the horsemen were, and
saw Titinius, crowned with garlands, making what haste he could towards
Cassius. But as soon as he understood by the cries and lamentations
of his afflicted friends the unfortunate error and death of his general,
he drew his sword, and having very much accused and upbraided his
own long stay, that had caused it, he slew himself. 

Brutus, as soon as he was assured of the defeat of Cassius, made haste
to him; but heard nothing of his death till he came near his camp.
Then having lamented over his body, calling him "the last of the Romans,"
it being impossible that the city should ever produce another man
of so great a spirit, he sent away the body to be buried at Thasos,
lest celebrating his funeral within the camp might breed some disorder.
He then gathered the soldiers together and comforted them; and, seeing
them destitute of all things necessary, he promised to every man two
thousand drachmas in recompense of what he had lost. They at these
words took courage, and were astonished at the magnificence of the
gift; and waited upon him at his parting with shouts and praises,
magnifying him for the only general of all the four who was not overcome
in the battle. And indeed the action itself testified that it was
not without reason he believed he should conquer; for with a few legions
he overthrew all that resisted him; and if all his soldiers had fought,
and the most of them had not passed beyond the enemy in pursuit of
the plunder, it is very likely that he had utterly defeated every
part of them. 

There fell of his side eight thousand men, reckoning the servants
of the army, whom Brutus calls Briges; and on the other side, Messala
says his opinion is that there were slain about twice that number.
For which reason they were more out of heart than Brutus, until a
servant of Cassius, named Demetrius, came in the evening to Antony,
and brought to him the garment which he had taken from the dead body,
and his sword at the sight of which they were so encouraged, that,
as soon as it was morning, they drew out their whole force into the
field, and stood in battle array. But Brutus found both his camps
wavering and in disorder; for his own, being filled with prisoners,
required a guard more strict than ordinary over them; and that of
Cassius was uneasy at the change of general, besides some envy and
rancour, which those that were conquered bore to that part of the
army which had been conquerors. Wherefore he thought it convenient
to put his army in array, but to abstain from fighting. All the slaves
that were taken prisoners, of whom there was a great number that were
mixed up, not without suspicion, among the soldiers, he commanded
to be slain; but of the freemen and citizens, some he dismissed, saying
that among the enemy they were rather prisoners than with him, for
with them they were captives and slaves, but with him freemen and
citizens of Rome. But he was forced to hide and help them to escape
privately, perceiving that his friends and officers were bent upon
revenge against them. Among the captives there was one Volumnius,
a player, and Sacculio, a buffoon; of these Brutus took no manner
of notice, but his friends brought them before him and accused them
that even then in that condition they did not refrain from their jests
and scurrilous language. Brutus, having his mind taken up with other
affairs, said nothing to their accusation; but the judgment of Messala
Corvinus was, that they should be whipped publicly upon a stage, and
so sent naked to the captains of the enemy, to show them what sort
of fellow-drinkers and companions they took with them on their campaigns.
At this some that were present laughed; and Publius Casca, he that
gave the first wound to Caesar, said, "We do ill to jest and make
merry at the funeral of Cassius. But you, O Brutus," he added, "will
show what esteem you have for the memory of that general, according
as you punish or preserve alive those who will scoff and speak shamefully
of him." To this Brutus, in great discomposure, replied, "Why then,
Casca, do you ask me about it, and not do yourselves what you think
fitting?" This answer of Brutus was taken for his consent to the death
of these wretched men; so they were carried away and slain.

After this he gave the soldiers the reward that he had promised them;
and having slightly reproved them for having fallen upon the enemy
in disorder without the word of battle or command, he promised them,
that if they behaved themselves bravely in the next engagement, he
would give them up two cities to spoil and plunder, Thessalonica and
Lacedaemon. This is the one indefensible thing of all that is found
fault with in the life of Brutus; though true it may be that Antony
and Caesar were much more cruel in the rewards that they gave their
soldiers after victory; for they drove out, one might almost say,
all the old inhabitants of Italy, to put their soldiers in possession
of other men's lands and cities. But indeed their only design and
end in undertaking the war was to obtain dominion and empire, whereas
Brutus, for the reputation of his virtue, could not be permitted either
to overcome or save himself but with justice and honour, especially
after the death of Cassius, who was generally accused of having been
his adviser to some things that he had done with less clemency. But
now, as in a ship, when the rubber is broken by a storm, the mariners
fit and nail on some other piece of wood instead of it, striving against
the danger not well, but as well as in that necessity they can, so
Brutus, being at the head of so great an army, in a time of such uncertainty,
having no commander equal to his need, was forced to make use of those
that he had, and to do and to say many things according to their advice;
which was, in effect, whatever might conduce to the bringing of Cassius's
soldiers into better order. For they were very headstrong and intractable,
bold and insolent in the camp for want of their general, but in the
field cowardly and fearful, remembering that they had been beaten.

Neither were the affairs of Caesar and Antony in any better posture;
for they were straitened for provision, and, the camp being in a low
ground, they expected to pass a very hard winter. For being driven
close upon the marshes, and a great quantity of rain, as is usual
in autumn, having fallen after the battle, their tents were all filled
with mire and water, which through the coldness of the weather immediately
froze. And while they were in this condition, there was news brought
to them of their loss at sea. For Brutus's fleet fell upon their ships,
which were bringing a great supply of soldiers out of Italy, and so
entirely defeated them, that but very few of the men escaped being
slain, and they too were forced by famine to feed upon the sails and
tackle of the ship. As soon as they heard this, they made what haste
they could to come to the decision of a battle, before Brutus should
have notice of his good success. For it had so happened that the fight
both by sea and land was on the same day, but by some misfortune,
rather than the fault of his commanders, Brutus knew not of his victory
twenty days after. For had he been informed of this, he would not
have been brought to a second battle, since he had sufficient provisions
for his army for a long time, and was very advantageously posted,
his camp being well sheltered from the cold weather, and almost inaccessible
to the enemy, and his being absolute master of the sea, and having
at land overcome on that side wherein he himself was engaged, would
have made him full of hope and confidence. But it seems the state
of Rome not enduring any longer to be governed by many, but necessarily
requiring a monarchy, the divine power, that it might remove out of
the way the only man that was able to resist him that could control
the empire, cut off his good fortune from coming to the ears of Brutus;
though it came but a very little too late, for the very evening before
the fight Clodius, a deserter from the enemy, came and announced that
Caesar had received advice of the loss of his fleet, and for that
reason was in such haste to come to a battle, But his story met with
no credit, nor was he so much as seen by Brutus, being simply set
down as one that had no good information, or invented lies to bring
himself into favour. 

The same night, they say, the vision appeared again to Brutus, in
the same shape that it did before, but vanished without speaking.
But Publius Volumnius, a philosopher, and one that had from the beginning
borne arms with Brutus, makes no mention of this apparition, but says
that the first eagle was covered with a swarm of bees, and that there
was one of the captains whose arm of itself sweated oil of roses,
and, though they often dried and wiped it, yet it would not cease;
and that immediately before the battle, two eagles falling upon each
other fought in the space between the two armies, that the whole field
kept incredible silence and all were intent upon the spectacle, until
at last that which was on Brutus's side yielded and fled. But the
story of the Ethiopian is very famous, who, meeting the standard-bearer
at the opening the gate of the camp, was cut to pieces by the soldiers,
that took it for an ill-omen. 

Brutus, having brought his army into the field and set them in array
against the enemy, paused a long while before he would fight; for
as he was reviewing the troops, suspicions were excited and informations
laid against some of them. Besides, he saw his horse not very eager
to begin the action, and waiting to see what the foot would do. Then
suddenly Camulatus, a very good soldier, and one whom for his valour
he highly esteemed, riding hard by Brutus himself, went over to the
enemy, the sight of which grieved Brutus exceedingly. So that partly
out of anger, and partly out of fear of some greater treason and desertion,
he immediately drew on his forces upon the enemy, the sun now declining,
about three of the clock in the afternoon. Brutus on his side had
the better, and pressed hard on the left wing, which gave way and
retreated; and the horse too fell in together with the foot, when
they saw the enemy in disorder. But the other wing, when the officers
extended the line to avoid its being encompassed, the numbers being
inferior, got drawn out too thin in the centre, and was so weak here
that they could not withstand the charge, but at the first onset fled.
After defeating these, the enemy at once took Brutus in the rear,
who all the while did all that was possible for an expert general
and valiant soldier, doing everything in the peril, by counsel and
by hand, that might recover the victory. But that which had been his
superiority in the first fight was to his prejudice in the second.
For in the first, that part of the enemy which was beaten was killed
on the spot; but of Cassius's soldiers that fled, few had been slain,
and those that escaped, daunted with their defeat, infected the other
and larger part of the army with their want of spirit and their disorder.
Here Marcus, the son of Cato, was slain, fighting and behaving himself
with great bravery in the midst of the youth of the highest rank and
greatest valour. He would neither fly nor give the least ground, but
still fighting and declaring who he was and naming his father's name,
he fell upon a heap of dead bodies of the enemy. And of the rest,
the bravest were slain in defending Brutus. 

There was in the field one Lucilius, an excellent man and a friend
of Brutus, who, seeing some barbarian horse taking no notice of any
other in the pursuit, but galloping at full speed after Brutus, resolved
to stop them, though with the hazard of his life; and, letting himself
fall a little behind, he told them that he was Brutus. They believed
him the rather, because he prayed to be carried to Antony, as if he
feared Caesar, but durst trust him. They, overjoyed with their prey,
and thinking themselves wonderfully fortunate, carried him along with
them in the night, having first sent messengers to Antony of their
coming. He was much pleased, and came to meet them; and all the rest
that heard that Brutus was taken and brought alive flocked together
to see him, some pitying his fortune, others accusing him of a meanness
unbecoming his former glory, that out of too much love of life he
would be a prey to barbarians. When they came near together, Antony
stood still, considering with himself in what manner he should receive
Brutus; but Lucilius, being brought up to him, with great confidence
said: "Be assured, Antony, that no enemy either has taken or ever
shall take Marcus Brutus alive (forbid it, heaven, that fortune should
ever so much prevail above virtue!), but he shall be found, alive
or dead, as becomes himself. As for me, I am come hither by a cheat
that I put upon your soldiers, and am ready, upon this occasion, to
suffer any severities you will inflict." All were amazed to hear Lucilius
speak these words. B