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The Civil Wars By Julius Caesar


Translated by W. A. McDevitte and W. S. Bohn

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BOOK 1

Chapter 0 

Vossius's supplement to the first book: I will now say nothing concerning
the absurd opinion of those who assert that the following Commentaries
on the Civil War were not written by Caesar himself. Even without
the authority of Suetonius, the diction itself would be sufficient
to convince the most skeptical that Caesar and no other was the author.
I am of the opinion of those who think that the beginning of these
Commentaries is lost. For I can not be convinced that Caesar commenced
so abruptly; and History itself gives sufficient evidence that many
circumstances require to be previously stated. For which reason we
thought that it would be well worth our attention to compile from
Plutarch, Appian, and Dion, a narrative of such facts as seemed necessary
to fill up the chasm; these facts are as follows: "When Caesar, after
reducing all Transalpine Gaul, had passed into Cisalpine Gaul, he
determined for many reasons to send embassadors to Rome to request
for him the consulate, and a prolongation of the command of his province.
Pompey, who was estranged from Caesar, although he was not as yet
at open enmity with him, determined neither to aid him by his influence
nor openly oppose him on this occasion. But the consuls Lentulus and
Marcellus, who had previously been on unfriendly terms with Caesar,
resolved to use all means in their power to prevent him from gaining
his object. Marcellus in particular did not hesitate to offer Caesar
other insults. Caesar had lately planned the colony of Novumcomum
in Gaul: Marcellus, not content with taking from it the right of citizenship,
ordered the principal man of the colony to be arrested and scourged
at Rome, and sent him to make his complaints to Caesar: an insult
of this description had never before been offered to a Roman citizen.
While these transactions are taking place, Caius Curio, tribune of
the commons, comes to Caesar in his province. Curio had made many
and energetic struggles, in behalf of the republic and Caesar's cause:
at length when he perceived that all his efforts were vain, he fled
through fear of his adversaries, and informed Caesar of all the transactions
that had taken place, and of the efforts made by his enemies to crush
him. Caesar received Curio with great kindness, as he was a man of
the highest rank, and had great claims on himself and the republic,
and thanked him warmly for his numerous personal favors. But Curio,
as war was being openly prepared against Caesar, advised him to concentrate
his troops, and rescue the republic now oppressed by a few daring
men. Caesar, although he was not ignorant of the real state of affairs,
was however of opinion that particular regard should be paid to the
tranquillity of the republic, lest any one should suppose that he
was the originator of the war. Therefore, through his friends, he
made this one request, that two legions, and the province of Cisalpine
Gaul, and Illyricum, should be left him. All these acts were performed
by Caesar, with the hope that his enemies might be induced by the
justice of his demands, to preserve the peace of the republic. Even
Pompey himself did not dare to oppose them. But when Caesar could
not obtain his request from the consuls, he wrote to the senate a
letter, in which he briefly stated his exploits and public services,
and entreated that he should not be deprived of the favor of the people,
who had ordered, that he, although absent, should be considered a
candidate at the next elections; and he stated also that he would
disband his army, if the senate and people of Rome would pass a resolution
to that effect, provided that Pompey would do the same. That, as long
as the latter should retain the command of his army, no just reason
could exist that he [Caesar] should disband his troops and expose
himself to the insults of his enemies. He intrusts this letter to
Curio to bear to its destination; the latter traveled one hundred
and sixty miles with incredible dispatch, and reached the city in
three days' time, before the beginning of January, and before the
consuls could pass any decree concerning Caesar's command. Curio,
after accomplishing his journey, kept the letter, and did not give
it up, until there was a crowded meeting of the senate, and the tribunes
of the commons were present; for he was afraid, lest, if he gave it
up previously, the consuls should suppress it. 

Chapter 1 

When Caesar's letter was delivered to the consuls, they were with
great difficulty, and a hard struggle of the tribunes, prevailed on
to suffer it to be read in the senate; but the tribunes could not
prevail, that any question should be put to the senate on the subject
of the letter. The consuls put the question on the regulation of the
state. Lucius Lentulus the consul promises that he will not fail the
senate and republic, "if they declared their sentiments boldly and
resolutely, but if they turned their regard to Caesar, and courted
his favor, as they did on former occasions, he would adopt a plan
for himself, and not submit to the authority of the senate: that he
too had a means of regaining Caesar's favor and friendship." Scipio
spoke to the same purport, "that it was Pompey's intention not to
abandon the republic, if the senate would support him; but if they
should hesitate and act without energy, they would in vain implore
his aid, if they should require it hereafter." 

Chapter 2 

This speech of Scipio's, as the senate was convened in the city, and
Pompey was near at hand, seemed to have fallen from the lips of Pompey
himself. Some delivered their sentiments with more moderation, as
Marcellus first, who in the beginning of his speech, said, "that the
question ought not to be put to the senate on this matter, till levies
were made throughout all Italy, and armies raised under whose protection
the senate might freely and safely pass such resolutions as they thought
proper;" as Marcus Calidius afterward, who was of opinion, "that Pompey
should set out for his province, that there might be no cause for
arms; that Caesar was naturally apprehensive as two legions were forced
from him, that Pompey was retaining those troops, and keeping them
near the city to do him injury:" as Marcus Rufus, who followed Calidius
almost word for word. They were all harshly rebuked by Lentulus, who
peremptorily refused to propose Calidius's motion. Marcellus, overawed
by his reproofs, retracted his opinion. Thus most of the senate, intimidated
by the expressions of the consul, by the fears of a present army,
and the threats of Pompey's friends, unwillingly and reluctantly adopted
Scipio's opinion, that Caesar should disband his army by a certain
day, and should he not do so, he should he considered as acting against
the state. Marcus Antonius, and Quintus Cassius, tribunes of the people,
interposed. The question was immediately put on their interposition.
Violent opinions were expressed; whoever spoke with the greatest acrimony
and cruelty was most highly commended by Caesar's enemies.

Chapter 3 

The senate having broken up in the evening, all who belonged to that
order were summoned by Pompey. He applauded the forward, and secured
their votes for the next day; the more moderate he reproved and excited
against Caesar. Many veterans, from all parts, who had served in Pompey's
armies, were invited to his standard by the hopes of rewards and promotions.
Several officers belonging to the two legions, which had been delivered
up by Caesar, were sent for. The city and the comitium were crowded
with tribunes, centurions, and veterans. All the consul's friends,
all Pompey's connections, all those who bore any ancient enmity to
Caesar, were forced into the senate house. By their concourse and
declarations the timid were awed, the irresolute confirmed, and the
greater part deprived of the power of speaking their sentiments with
freedom. Lucius Piso, the censor, offered to go to Caesar: as did
likewise Lucius Roscius, the praetor, to inform him of these affairs,
and require only six days' time to finish the business. Opinions were
expressed by some to the effect that commissioners should be sent
to Caesar to acquaint him with the senate's pleasure. 

Chapter 4 

All these proposals were rejected, and opposition made to them all,
in the speeches of the consul, Scipio, and Cato. An old grudge against
Caesar and chagrin at a defeat actuated Cato. Lentulus was wrought
upon by the magnitude of his debts, and the hopes of having the government
of an army and provinces, and by the presents which he expected from
such princes as should receive the title of friends of the Roman people,
and boasted among his friends, that he would be a second Sylla, to
whom the supreme authority should return. Similar hopes of a province
and armies, which he expected to share with Pompey on account of his
connection with him, urged on Scipio; and moreover [he was influenced
by] the fear of being called to trial, and the adulation and an ostentatious
display of himself and his friends in power, who at that time had
great influence in the republic, and courts of judicature. Pompey
himself, incited by Caesar's enemies, because he was unwilling that
any person should bear an equal degree of dignity, had wholly alienated
himself from Caesar's friendship, and procured a reconciliation with
their common enemies; the greatest part of whom he had himself brought
upon Caesar during his affinity with him. At the same time, chagrined
at the disgrace which he had incurred by converting the two legions
from their expedition through Asia and Syria, to [augment] his own
power and authority, he was anxious to bring matters to a war.

Chapter 5 

For these reasons every thing was done in a hasty and disorderly manner,
and neither was time given to Caesar's relations to inform him [of
the state of affairs] nor liberty to the tribunes of the people to
deprecate their own danger, nor even to retain the last privilege,
which Sylla had left them, the interposing their authority; but on
the seventh day they were obliged to think of their own safety, which
the most turbulent tribunes of the people were not accustomed to attend
to, nor to fear being called to an account for their actions, till
the eighth month. Recourse is had to that extreme and final decree
of the senate (which was never resorted to even by daring proposers
except when the city was in danger of being set on fire, or when the
public safety was despaired of). "That the consuls, praetors, tribunes
of the people, and proconsuls in the city, should take care that the
state received no injury." These decrees are dated the eighth day
before the ides of January; therefore, in the first five days, on
which the senate could meet, from the day on which Lentulus entered
into his consulate, the two days of election excepted, the severest
and most virulent decrees were passed against Caesar's government,
and against those most illustrious characters, the tribunes of the
people. The latter immediately made their escape from the city, and
withdrew to Caesar, who was then at Ravenna, awaiting an answer to
his moderate demands; [to see] if matters could be brought to a peaceful
termination by any equitable act on the part of his enemies.

Chapter 6 

During the succeeding days the senate is convened outside the city.
Pompey repeated the same things which he had declared through Scipio.
He applauded the courage and firmness of the senate, acquainted them
with his force, and told them that he had ten legions ready; that
he was moreover informed and assured that Caesar's soldiers were disaffected,
and that he could not persuade them to defend or even follow him.
Motions were made in the senate concerning other matters; that levies
should be made through all Italy; that Faustus Sylla should be sent
as propraetor into Mauritania; that money should be granted to Pompey
from the public treasury. It was also put to the vote that king Juba
should be [honored with the title of] friend and ally. But Marcellus
said that he would not allow this motion for the present. Philip,
one of the tribunes, stopped [the appointment of] Sylla; the resolutions
respecting the other matters passed. The provinces, two of which were
consular, the remainder praetorian, were decreed to private persons;
Scipio got Syria, Lucius Domitius Gaul: Philip and Marcellus were
omitted, from a private motive, and their lots were not even admitted.
To the other provinces praetors were sent, nor was time granted as
in former years, to refer to the people on their appointment, nor
to make them take the usual oath, and march out of the city in a public
manner, robed in the military habit, after offering their vows: a
circumstance which had never before happened. Both the consuls leave
the city, and private men had lictors in the city and capital, contrary
to all precedents of former times. Levies were made throughout Italy,
arms demanded, and money exacted from the municipal towns, and violently
taken from the temples. All distinctions between things human and
divine, are confounded. 

Chapter 7 

These things being made known to Caesar, he harangued his soldiers;
he reminded them "of the wrongs done to him at all times by his enemies,
and complained that Pompey had been alienated from him and led astray
by them through envy and a malicious opposition to his glory, though
he had always favored and promoted Pompey's honor and dignity. He
complained that an innovation had been introduced into the republic,
that the intercession of the tribunes, which had been restored a few
years before by Sylla, was branded as a crime, and suppressed by force
of arms; that Sylla, who had stripped the tribunes of every other
power, had, nevertheless, left the privilege of intercession unrestrained;
that Pompey, who pretended to restore what they had lost, had taken
away the privileges which they formerly had; that whenever the senate
decreed, 'that the magistrates should take care that the republic
sustained no injury' (by which words and decree the Roman people were
obliged to repair to arms), it was only when pernicious laws were
proposed; when the tribunes attempted violent measures; when the people
seceded, and possessed themselves of the temples and eminences of
the city; (and these instances of former times, he showed them were
expiated by the fate of Saturninus and the Gracchi): that nothing
of this kind was attempted now, nor even thought of: that no law was
promulgated, no intrigue with the people going forward, no secession
made; he exhorted them to defend from the malice of his enemies the
reputation and honor of that general under whose command they had
for nine years most successfully supported the state; fought many
successful battles, and subdued all Gaul and Germany." The soldiers
of the thirteenth legion, which was present (for in the beginning
of the disturbances he had called it out, his other legions not having
yet arrived), all cry out that they are ready to defend their general,
and the tribunes of the commons, from all injuries. 

Chapter 8 

Having made himself acquainted with the disposition of his soldiers,
Caesar set off with that legion to Ariminum, and there met the tribunes,
who had fled to him for protection; he called his other legions from
winter quarters; and ordered them to follow him. Thither came Lucius
Caesar, a young man, whose father was a lieutenant-general under Caesar.
He, after concluding the rest of his speech, and stating for what
purpose he had come, told Caesar that he had commands of a private
nature for him from Pompey; that Pompey wished to clear himself to
Caesar, lest he should impute those actions which he did for the republic,
to a design of affronting him; that he had ever preferred the interest
of the state to his own private connections; that Caesar, too, for
his own honor, ought to sacrifice his desires and resentment to the
public good, and not vent his anger so violently against his enemies,
lest in his hopes of injuring them, he should injure the republic.
He spoke a few words to the same purport from himself, in addition
to Pompey's apology. Roscius, the praetor, conferred with Caesar almost
in the same words, and on the same subject, and declared that Pompey
had empowered him to do so. 

Chapter 9 

Though these things seemed to have no tendency toward redressing his
injuries, yet having got proper persons by whom he could communicate
his wishes to Pompey; he required of them both, that, as they had
conveyed Pompey's demands to him, they should not refuse to convey
his demands to Pompey; if by so little trouble they could terminate
a great dispute, and liberate all Italy from her fears. "That the
honor of the republic had ever been his first object, and dearer to
him than life; that he was chagrined, that the favor of the Roman
people was wrested from him by the injurious reports of his enemies;
that he was deprived of a half-year's command, and dragged back to
the city, though the people had ordered that regard should be paid
to his suit for the consulate at the next election, though he was
not present; that, however, he had patiently submitted to this loss
of honor, for the sake of the republic; that when he wrote letters
to the senate, requiring that all persons should resign the command
of their armies, he did not obtain even that request; that levies
were made throughout Italy; that the two legions which had been taken
from him, under the pretense of the Parthian war, were kept at home,
and that the state was in arms. To what did all these things tend,
unless to his ruin? But, nevertheless, he was ready to condescend
to any terms, and to endure every thing for the sake of the republic.
Let Pompey go to his own province; let them both disband their armies;
let all persons in Italy lay down their arms; let all fears be removed
from the city; let free elections, and the whole republic be resigned
to the direction of the senate and Roman people. That these things
might be the more easily performed, and conditions secured and confirmed
by oath, either let Pompey come to Caesar, or allow Caesar to go to
him; it might be that all their disputes would be settled by an interview."

Chapter 10 

Roscius and Lucius Caesar, having received this message, went to Capua,
where they met the consuls and Pompey, and declared to them Caesar's
terms. Having deliberated on the matter, they replied, and sent written
proposals to him by the same persons, the purport of which was, that
Caesar should return into Gaul, leave Ariminum, and disband his army:
if he complied with this, that Pompey would go to Spain. In the mean
time, until security was given that Caesar would perform his promises,
that the consuls and Pompey would not give over their levies.

Chapter 11 

It was not an equitable proposal, to require that Caesar should quit
Ariminum and return to his province; but that he [Pompey] should himself
retain his province and the legions that belonged to another, and
desire that Caesar's army should be disbanded, while he himself was
making new levies: and that he should merely promise to go to his
province, without naming the day on which he would set out; so that
if he should not set out till after Caesar's consulate expired, yet
he would not appear bound by any religious scruples about asserting
a falsehood. But his not granting time for a conference, nor promising
to set out to meet him, made the expectation of peace appear very
hopeless. Caesar, therefore, sent Marcus Antonius, with five cohorts
from Ariminum to Arretium; he himself staid at Ariminum with two legions,
with the intention of raising levies there. He secured Pisaurus, Fanum,
and Ancona, with a cohort each. 

Chapter 12 

In the mean time, being informed that Thermus the praetor was in possession
of Iguvium, with five cohorts, and was fortifying the town, but that
the affections of all the inhabitants were very well inclined toward
himself, he detached Curio with three cohorts, which he had at Ariminum
and Pisaurus. Upon notice of his approach, Thermus, distrusting the
affections of the townsmen, drew his cohorts out of it and made his
escape; his soldiers deserted him on the road, and returned home.
Curio recovered Iguvium, with the cheerful concurrence of all the
inhabitants. Caesar, having received an account of this, and relying
on the affections of the municipal towns, drafted all the cohorts
of the thirteenth legion from the garrison, and set out for Auximum,
a town into which Attius had brought his cohorts, and of which he
had taken possession, and from which he had sent senators round about
the country of Picenum, to raise new levies. 

Chapter 13 

Upon news of Caesar's approach, the senate of Auximum went in a body
to Attius Varus; and told him that it was not a subject for them to
determine upon: yet neither they, nor the rest of the freemen would
suffer Caius Caesar, a general, who had merited so well of the republic,
after performing such great achievements, to be excluded from their
town and walls; wherefore he ought to pay some regard to the opinion
of posterity, and his own danger. Alarmed at this declaration, Attius
Varus drew out of the town the garrison which he had introduced, and
fled. A fear of Caesar's front rank having pursued him, obliged him
to halt, and when the battle began, Varus is deserted by his troops:
some of them disperse to their homes, the rest come over to Caesar;
and along with them, Lucius Pupius, the chief centurion, is taken
prisoner and brought to Caesar. He had held the same rank before in
Cneius Pompey's army. But Caesar applauded the soldiers of Attius,
set Pupius at liberty, returned thanks to the people of Auximum, and
promised to be grateful for their conduct. 

Chapter 14 

Intelligence of this being brought to Rome, so great a panic spread
on a sudden that when Lentulus, the consul, came to open the treasury,
to deliver money to Pompey by the senate's decree, immediately on
opening the hallowed door he fled from the city. For it was falsely
rumored that Caesar was approaching, and that his cavalry were already
at the gates. Marcellus, his colleague, followed him, and so did most
of the magistrates. Cneius Pompey had left the city the day before,
and was on his march to those legions which he had received from Caesar,
and had disposed in winter quarters in Apulia. The levies were stopped
within the city. No place on this side of Capua was thought secure.
At Capua they first began to take courage and to rally, and determined
to raise levies in the colonies, which had been sent thither by the
Julian law: and Lentulus brought into the public market place the
gladiators which Caesar maintained there for the entertainment of
the people, and confirmed them in their liberty, and gave them horses
and ordered them to attend him; but afterward, being warned by his
friends that this action was censured by the judgment of all, he distributed
them among the slaves of the district of Campania, to keep guard there.

Chapter 15 

Caesar, having moved forward from Auximum, traversed the whole country
of Picenum. All the governors in these countries most cheerfully received
him, and aided his army with every necessary. Embassadors came to
him even from Cingulum, a town which Labienus had laid out and built
at his own expense, and offered most earnestly to comply with his
orders. He demanded soldiers: they sent them. In the mean time, the
twelfth legion came to join Caesar; with these two he marched to Asculum,
the chief town of Picenum. Lentulus Spinther occupied that town with
ten cohorts; but, on being informed of Caesar's approach, he fled
from the town, and, in attempting to bring off his cohorts with him,
was deserted by a great part of his men. Being left on the road with
a small number, he fell in with Vibullius Rufus, who was sent by Pompey
into Picenum to confirm the people [in their allegiance]. Vibullius,
being informed by him of the transactions in Picenum, takes his soldiers
from him and dismisses him. He collects, likewise, from the neighboring
countries, as many cohorts as he can from Pompey's new levies. Among
them he meets with Ulcilles Hirrus fleeing from Camerinum, with six
cohorts, which he had in the garrison there; by a junction with which
he made up thirteen cohorts. With them he marched by hasty journeys
to Corfinium, to Domitius Aenobarbus, and informed him that Caesar
was advancing with two legions. Domitius had collected about twenty
cohorts from Alba, and the Marsians, Pelignians, and neighboring states.

Chapter 16 

Caesar, having recovered Asculum and driven out Lentulus, ordered
the soldiers that had deserted from him to be sought out and a muster
to be made; and, having delayed for one day there to provide corn,
he marched to Corfinium. On his approach, five cohorts, sent by Domitius
from the town, were breaking down a bridge which was over the river,
at three miles' distance from it. An engagement taking place there
with Caesar's advanced-guard, Domitius's men were quickly beaten off
from the bridge and retreated precipitately into the town. Caesar,
having marched his legions over, halted before the town and encamped
close by the walls. 

Chapter 17 

Domitius, upon observing this, sent messengers well acquainted with
the country, encouraged by a promise of being amply rewarded, with
dispatches to Pompey to Apulia, to beg and entreat him to come to
his assistance. That Caesar could be easily inclosed by the two armies,
through the narrowness of the country, and prevented from obtaining
supplies: unless he did so, that he and upward of thirty cohorts,
and a great number of senators and Roman knights, would be in extreme
danger. In the mean time he encouraged his troops, disposed engines
on the walls, and assigned to each man a particular part of the city
to defend. In a speech to the soldiers he promised them lands out
of his own estate; to every private soldier four acres, and a corresponding
share to the centurions and veterans. 

Chapter 18 

In the mean time, word was brought to Caesar that the people of Sulmo,
a town about seven miles distant from Corfinium, were ready to obey
his orders, but were prevented by Quintus Lucretius, a senator, and
Attius, a Pelignian, who were in possession of the town with a garrison
of seven cohorts. He sent Marcus Antonius thither, with five cohorts
of the eighth legion. The inhabitants, as soon as they saw our standards,
threw open their gates, and all the people, both citizens and soldiers,
went out to meet and welcome Antonius. Lucretius and Attius leaped
off the walls. Attius, being brought before Antonius, begged that
he might be sent to Caesar. Antonius returned the same day on which
he had set out with the cohorts and Attius. Caesar added these cohorts
to his own army, and sent Attius away in safety. The three first days
Caesar employed in fortifying his camp with strong works, in bringing
in corn from the neighboring free towns, and waiting for the rest
of his forces. Within the three days the eighth legion came to him,
and twenty-two cohorts of the new levies in Gaul, and about three
hundred horse from the king of Noricum. On their arrival he made a
second camp on another part of the town, and gave the command of it
to Curio. He determined to surround the town with a rampart and turrets
during the remainder of the time. Nearly at the time when the greatest
part of the work was completed, all the messengers sent to Pompey
returned. 

Chapter 19 

Having read Pompey's letter, Domitius, concealing the truth, gave
out in council that Pompey would speedily come to their assistance;
and encouraged them not to despond, but to provide every thing necessary
for the defense of the town. He held private conferences with a few
of his most intimate friends, and determined on the design of fleeing.
As Domitius's countenance did not agree with his words, and he did
every thing with more confusion and fear than he had shown on the
preceding days, and as he had several private meetings with his friends,
contrary to his usual practice, in order to take their advice, and
as he avoided all public councils and assemblies of the people, the
truth could be no longer hid nor dissembled; for Pompey had written
back in answer, "That he would not put matters to the last hazard;
that Domitius had retreated into the town of Corfinium without either
his advice or consent. Therefore, if any opportunity should offer,
he [Domitius] should come to him with the whole force." But the blockade
and works round the town prevented his escape. 

Chapter 20 

Domitius's design being noised abroad, the soldiers in Corfinium early
in the evening began to mutiny, and held a conference with each other
by their tribunes and centurions, and the most respectable among themselves:
"that they were besieged by Caesar; that his works and fortifications
were almost finished; that their general, Domitius, on whose hopes
and expectations they had confided, had thrown them off, and was meditating
his own escape; that they ought to provide for their own safety."
At first the Marsians differed in opinion, and possessed themselves
of that part of the town which they thought the strongest. And so
violent a dispute arose between them, that they attempted to fight
and decide it by arms. However, in a little time, by messengers sent
from one side to the other, they were informed of Domitius's meditated
flight, of which they were previously ignorant. Therefore they all
with one consent brought Domitius into public view, gathered round
him, and guarded him; and sent deputies out of their number to Caesar,
to say that they were ready to throw open their gates, to do whatever
he should order, and deliver up Domitius alive into his hands."

Chapter 21 

Upon intelligence of these matters, though Caesar thought it of great
consequence to become master of the town as soon as possible, and
to transfer the cohorts to his own camp, lest any change should be
wrought on their inclinations by bribes, encouragement, or ficticious
messages, because in war great events are often brought about by trifling
circumstances; yet, dreading lest the town should be plundered by
the soldiers entering into it, and taking advantage of the darkness
of the night, he commended the persons who came to him, and sent them
back to the town, and ordered the gates and walls to be secured. He
disposed his soldiers on the works which he had begun, not at certain
intervals, as was his practice before, but in one continued range
of sentinels and stations, so that they touched each other, and formed
a circle round the whole fortification; he ordered the tribunes and
general officers to ride round; and exhorted them not only to be on
their guard against sallies from the town, but also to watch that
no single person should get out privately. Nor was any man so negligent
or drowsy as to sleep that night. To so great height was their expectation
raised, that they were carried away, heart and soul, each to different
objects, what would become of the Corfinians, what of Domitius, what
of Lentulus, what of the rest; what event would be the consequence
of another. 

Chapter 22 

About the fourth watch, Lentulus Spinther said to our sentinels and
guards from the walls, that he desired to have an interview with Caesar,
if permission were given him. Having obtained it, he was escorted
out of town; nor did the soldiers of Domitius leave him till they
brought him into Caesar's presence. He pleaded with Caesar for his
life, and entreated him to spare him, and reminded him of their former
friendship; and acknowledged that Caesar's favors to him were very
great; in that through his interest he had been admitted into the
college of priests; in that after his praetorship he had been appointed
to the government of Spain; in that he had been assisted by him in
his suit for the consulate. Caesar interrupted him in his speech,
and told him, "that he had not left his province to do mischief [to
any man], but to protect himself from the injuries of his enemies;
to restore to their dignity the tribunes of the people who had been
driven out of the city on his account, and to assert his own liberty,
and that of the Roman people, who were oppressed by a few factious
men. Encouraged by this address, Lentulus begged leave to return to
the town, that the security which he had obtained for himself might
be an encouragement to the rest to hope for theirs; saying that some
were so terrified that they were induced to make desperate attempts
on their own lives. Leave being granted him, he departed.

Chapter 23 

When day appeared, Caesar ordered all the senators and their children,
the tribunes of the soldiers, and the Roman knights to be brought
before him. Among the persons of senatorial rank were Lucius Domitius,
Publius Lentulus Spinther, Lucius Vibullius Rufus, Sextus Quintilius
Varus, the quaestor, and Lucius Rubrius, besides the son of Domitius,
and several other young men, and a great number of Roman knights and
burgesses, whom Domitius had summoned from the municipal towns. When
they were brought before him he protected them from the insolence
and taunts of the soldiers; told them in few words that they had not
made him a grateful return, on their part, for his very extraordinary
kindness to them, and dismissed them all in safety. Sixty sestertia,
which Domitius had brought with him and lodged in the public treasury,
being brought to Caesar by the magistrates of Corfinium, he gave them
back to Domitius, that he might not appear more moderate with respect
to the life of men than in money matters, though he knew that it was
public money, and had been given by Pompey to pay his army. He ordered
Domitius's soldiers to take the oath to himself, and that day decamped
and performed the regular march. He staid only seven days before Corfinium,
and marched into Apulia through the country of the Marrucinians, Frentanian's
and Larinates. 

Chapter 24 

Pompey, being informed of what had passed at Corfinium, marches from
Luceria to Canusium, and thence to Brundusium. He orders all the forces
raised every where by the new levies to repair to him. He gives arms
to the slaves that attended the flocks, and appoints horses for them.
Of these he made up about three hundred horse. Lucius, the praetor,
fled from Alba, with six cohorts: Rutilus, Lupus, the praetor, from
Tarracina, with three. These having descried Caesar's cavalry at a
distance, which were commanded by Bivius Curius, and having deserted
the praetor, carried their colors to Curius and went over to him.
In like manner, during the rest of his march, several cohorts fell
in with the main body of Caesar's army, others with his horse. Cneius
Magius, from Cremona, engineer-general to Pompey, was taken prisoner
on the road and brought to Caesar, but sent back by him to Pompey
with this message: "As hitherto he had not been allowed an interview,
and was now on his march to him at Brundusium, that it deeply concerned
the commonwealth and general safety that he should have an interview
with Pompey; and that the same advantage could not be gained at a
great distance when the proposals were conveyed to them by others,
as if terms were argued by them both in person." 

Chapter 25 

Having delivered this message he marched to Brundusium with six legions,
four of them veterans: the rest those which he had raised in the late
levy and completed on his march, for he had sent all Domitius's cohorts
immediately from Corfinium to Sicily. He discovered that the consuls
were gone to Dyrrachium with a considerable part of the army, and
that Pompey remained at Brundusium with twenty cohorts; but could
not find out, for a certainty, whether Pompey staid behind to keep
possession of Brundusium, that he might the more easily command the
whole Adriatic sea, with the extremities of Italy and the coast of
Greece, and be able to conduct the war on either side of it, or whether
he remained there for want of shipping; and, being afraid that Pompey
would come to the conclusion that he ought not to relinquish Italy,
he determined to deprive him of the means of communication afforded
by the harbor of Brundusium. The plan of his work was as follows:
Where the mouth of the port was narrowest he threw up a mole of earth
on either side, because in these places the sea was shallow. Having
gone out so far that the mole could not be continued in the deep water,
he fixed double floats, thirty feet on either side, before the mole.
These he fastened with four anchors at the four corners, that they
might not be carried away by the waves. Having completed and secured
them, he then joined to them other floats of equal size. These he
covered over with earth and mold, that he might not be prevented from
access to them to defend them, and in the front and on both sides
he protected them with a parapet of wicker work; and on every fourth
one raised a turret, two stories high, to secure them the better from
being attacked by the shipping and set on fire. 

Chapter 26 

To counteract this, Pompey fitted out large merchant ships, which
he found in the harbor of Brundusium: on them he erected turrets three
stories high, and, having furnished them with several engines and
all sorts of weapons, drove them among Caesar's works, to break through
the floats and interrupt the works; thus there happened skirmishes
every day at a distance with slings, arrows, and other weapons. Caesar
conducted matters as if he thought that the hopes of peace were not
yet to be given up. And though he was very much surprised that Magius,
whom he had sent to Pompey with a message, was not sent back to him;
and though his attempting a reconciliation often retarded the vigorous
prosecution of his plans, yet he thought that he ought by all means
to persevere in the same line of conduct. He therefore sent Caninius
Rebilus to have an interview with Scribonius Libo, his intimate friend
and relation. He charges him to exhort Libo to effect a peace, but,
above all things, requires that he should be admitted to an interview
with Pompey. He declared that he had great hopes, if that were allowed
him, that the consequence would be that both parties would lay down
their arms on equal terms; that a great share of the glory and reputation
of that event would redound to Libo, if, through his advice and agency,
hostilities should be ended. Libo, having parted from the conference
with Caninius, went to Pompey, and, shortly after, returns with answer
that, as the consuls were absent, no treaty of composition could be
engaged in without them. Caesar therefore thought it time at length
to give over the attempt which he had often made in vain, and act
with energy in the war. 

Chapter 27 

When Caesar's works were nearly half finished, and after nine days
were spent in them, the ships which had conveyed the first division
of the army to Dyrrachium being sent back by the consuls, returned
to Brundusium. Pompey, either frightened at Caesar's works or determined
from the beginning to quit Italy, began to prepare for his departure
on the arrival of the ships; and the more effectually to retard Caesar's
attack, lest his soldiers should force their way into the town at
the moment of his departure, he stopped up the gates, built walls
across the streets and avenues, sunk trenches across the ways, and
in them fixed palisadoes and sharp stakes, which he made level with
the ground by means of hurdles and clay. But he barricaded with large
beams fastened in the ground and sharpened at the ends two passages
and roads without the walls, which led to the port. After making these
arrangements, he ordered his soldiers to go on board without noise,
and disposed here and there, on the wall and turrets, some light-armed
veterans, archers and slingers. These he designed to call off by a
certain signal, when all the soldiers were embarked, and left row-galleys
for them in a secure place. 

Chapter 28 

The people of Brundusium, irritated by the insolence of Pompey's soldiers,
and the insults received from Pompey himself, were in favor of Caesar's
party. Therefore, as soon as they were aware of Pompey's departure,
while his men were running up and down, and busied about their voyage,
they made signs from the tops of the houses: Caesar, being apprised
of the design by them, ordered scaling-ladders to be got ready, and
his men to take arms, that he might not lose any opportunity of coming
to an action. Pompey weighed anchor at nightfall. The soldiers who
had been posted on the wall to guard it, were called off by the signal
which had been agreed on, and knowing the roads, ran down to the ships.
Caesar's soldiers fixed their ladders and scaled the walls: but being
cautioned by the people to beware of the hidden stakes and covered
trenches, they halted, and being conducted by the inhabitants by a
long circuit, they reached the port, and captured with their long
boats and small craft two of Pompey's ships, full of soldiers, which
had struck against Caesar's moles. 

Chapter 29 

Though Caesar highly approved of collecting a fleet, and crossing
the sea, and pursuing Pompey before he could strengthen himself with
his transmarine auxiliaries, with the hope of bringing the war to
a conclusion, yet he dreaded the delay and length of time necessary
to effect it: because Pompey, by collecting all his ships, had deprived
him of the means of pursuing him at present. The only resource left
to Caesar, was to wait for a fleet from the distant regions of Gaul,
Picenum, and the straits of Gibraltar. But this, on account of the
season of the year, appeared tedious and troublesome. He was unwilling
that, in the mean time, the veteran army, and the two Spains, one
of which was bound to Pompey by the strongest obligations, should
be confirmed in his interest; that auxiliaries and cavalry should
be provided, and Gaul and Italy reduced in his absence. 

Chapter 30 

Therefore, for the present he relinquished all intention of pursuing
Pompey, and resolved to march to Spain, and commanded the magistrates
of the free towns to procure him ships, and to have them convoyed
to Brundusium. He detached Valerius, his lieutenant, with one legion
to Sardinia; Curio, the propraetor, to Sicily with three legions;
and ordered him, when he had recovered Sicily, to immediately transport
his army to Africa. Marcus Cotta was at this time governor of Sardinia:
Marcus Cato, of Sicily: and Tubero, by the lots, should have had the
government of Africa. The Caralitani, as soon as they heard that Valerius
was sent against them, even before he left Italy, of their own accord
drove Cotta out of the town; who, terrified because he understood
that the whole province was combined [against him], fled from Sardinia
to Africa. Cato was in Sicily, repairing the old ships of war, and
demanding new ones from the states, and these things he performed
with great zeal. He was raising levies of Roman citizens, among the
Lucani and Brutii, by his lieutenants, and exacting a certain quota
of horse and foot from the states of Sicily. When these things were
nearly completed, being informed of Curio's approach, he made a complaint
that he was abandoned and betrayed by Pompey, who had undertaken an
unnecessary war, without making any preparation, and when questioned
by him and other members in the senate, had assured them that every
thing was ready and provided for the war. After having made these
complaints in a public assembly, he fled from his province.

Chapter 31 

Valerius found Sardinia, and Curio, Sicily, deserted by their governors
when they arrived there with their armies. When Tubero arrived in
Africa, he found Attius Varus in the government of the province, who,
having lost his cohorts, as already related, at Auximum, had straightway
fled to Africa, and finding it without a governor, had seized it of
his own accord, and making levies, had raised two legions. From his
acquaintance with the people and country, and his knowledge of that
province, he found the means of effecting this; because a few years
before, at the expiration of his praetorship, he had obtained that
province. He, when Tubero came to Utica with his fleet, prevented
his entering the port or town, and did not suffer his son, though
laboring under sickness, to set foot on shore; but obliged him to
weigh anchor and quit the place. 

Chapter 32 

When these affairs were dispatched, Caesar, that there might be an
intermission from labor for the rest of the season, drew off his soldiers
to the nearest municipal towns, and set off in person for Rome. Having
assembled the senate, he reminded them of the injustice of his enemies;
and told them, "That he aimed at no extraordinary honor, but had waited
for the time appointed by law, for standing candidate for the consulate,
being contented with what was allowed to every citizen. That a bill
had been carried by the ten tribunes of the people (notwithstanding
the resistance of his enemies, and a very violent opposition from
Cato, who in his usual manner, consumed the day by a tedious harangue)
that he should be allowed to stand candidate, though absent, even
in the consulship of Pompey; and if the latter disapproved of the
bill, why did he allow it to pass? if he approved of it, why should
he debar him [Caesar] from the people's favor? He made mention of
his own patience, in that he had freely proposed that all armies should
be disbanded, by which he himself would suffer the loss both of dignity
and honor. He urged the virulence of his enemies, who refused to comply
with what they required from others, and had rather that all things
should be thrown into confusion, than that they should lose their
power and their armies. He expatiated on their injustice, in taking
away his legions: their cruelty and insolence in abridging the privileges
of the tribunes; the proposals he had made, and his entreaties of
an interview which had been refused him. For which reasons, he begged
and desired that they would undertake the management of the republic,
and unite with him in the administration of it. But if through fear
they declined it, he would not be a burden to them, but take the management
of it on himself. That deputies ought to be sent to Pompey, to propose
a reconciliation; as he did not regard what Pompey had lately asserted
in the senate, that authority was acknowledged to be vested in those
persons to whom embassadors were sent, and fear implied in those that
sent them. That these were the sentiments of low, weak minds: that
for his part, as he had made it his study to surpass others in glory,
so he was desirous of excelling them in justice and equity."

Chapter 33 

The senate approved of sending deputies, but none could be found fit
to execute the commission: for every person, from his own private
fears, declined the office. For Pompey, on leaving the city, had declared
in the open senate, that he would hold in the same degree of estimation,
those who staid in Rome and those in Caesar's camp. Thus three days
were wasted in disputes and excuses. Besides, Lucius Metellus, one
of the tribunes, was suborned by Caesar's enemies, to prevent this,
and to embarrass every thing else which Caesar should propose. Caesar
having discovered his intention, after spending several days to no
purpose, left the city, in order that he might not lose any more time,
and went to Transalpine Gaul, without effecting what he had intended.

Chapter 34 

On his arrival there, he was informed that Vibullius Rufus, whom he
had taken a few days before at Corfinium, and set at liberty, was
sent by Pompey into Spain; and that Domitius also was gone to seize
Massilia with seven row-galleys, which were fitted up by some private
persons at Igilium and Cosa, and which he had manned with his own
slaves, freedmen, and colonists: and that some young noble men of
Massilia had been sent before him; whom Pompey, when leaving Rome
had exhorted, that the late services of Caesar should not erase from
their minds the memory of his former favors. On receiving this message,
the Massilians had shut their gates against Caesar, and invited over
to them the Albici, who had formerly been in alliance with them, and
who inhabited the mountains that overhung Massilia: they had likewise
conveyed the corn from the surrounding country, and from all the forts
into the city; had opened armories in the city; and were repairing
the walls, the fleet, and the gates. 

Chapter 35 

Caesar sent for fifteen of the principal persons of Massilia to attend
him. To prevent the war commencing among them, he remonstrates [in
the following language]; "that they ought to follow the precedent
set by all Italy, rather than submit to the will of any one man."
He made use of such arguments as he thought would tend to bring them
to reason. The deputies reported his speech to their countrymen, and
by the authority of the state bring him back this answer: "That they
understood that the Roman people was divided into two factions: that
they had neither judgment nor abilities to decide which had the juster
cause; but that the heads of these factions were Cneius Pompey and
Caius Caesar, the two patrons of the state: the former of whom had
granted to their state the lands of the Vocae Arecomici, and Helvii;
the latter had assigned them a part of his conquests in Gaul, and
had augmented their revenue. Wherefore, having received equal favors
from both, they ought to show equal affection to both, and assist
neither against the other, nor admit either into their city or harbors."

Chapter 36 

While this treaty was going forward, Domitius arrived at Massilia
with his fleet, and was received into the city, and made governor
of it. The chief management of the war was intrusted to him. At his
command they send the fleet to all parts; they seize all the merchantmen
they could meet with, and carry them into the harbor; they apply the
nails, timber, and rigging, with which they were furnished to rig
and refit their other vessels. They lay up in the public stores, all
the corn that was found in the ships, and reserve the rest of their
lading and convoy for the siege of the town, should such an event
take place. Provoked at such ill treatment, Caesar led three legions
against Massilia, and resolved to provide turrets, and vineae to assault
the town, and to build twelve ships at Arelas, which being completed
and rigged in thirty days (from the time the timber was cut down),
and being brought to Massilia, he put under the command of Decimus
Brutus; and left Caius Trebonius his lieutenant, to invest the city.

Chapter 37 

While he was preparing and getting these things in readiness, he sent
Caius Fabius one of his lieutenants into Spain with three legions,
which he had disposed to winter quarters in Narbo, and the neighboring
country; and ordered him immediately to seize the passes of the Pyrenees,
which were at that time occupied by detachments from Lucius Afranius,
one of Pompey's lieutenants. He desired the other legions, which were
passing the winter at a great distance, to follow close after him.
Fabius, according to his orders, by using expedition, dislodged the
party from the hills, and by hasty marches came up with the army of
Afranius. 

Chapter 38 

On the arrival of Vibullius Rufus, whom, we have already mentioned,
Pompey had sent into Spain, Afranius, Petreius, and Varro, his lieutenants
(one of whom had the command of Hither Spain, with three legions;
the second of the country from the forest of Castulo to the river
Guadiana with two legions; the third from the river Guadiana to the
country of the Vettones and Lusitania, with the like number of legions)
divided among themselves their respective departments. Petreius was
to march from Lusitania through the Vettones, and join Afranius with
all his forces; Varro was to guard all Further Spain with what legions
he had. These matters being settled, reinforcements of horse and foot
were demanded from Lusitania, by Petreius; from the Celtiberi, Cantabri,
and all the barbarous nations which border on the ocean, by Afranius.
When they were raised, Petreius immediately marched through the Vettones
to Afranius. They resolved by joint consent to carry on the war in
the vicinity of Herba, on account of the advantages of its situation.

Chapter 39 

Afranius, as above mentioned, had three legions, Petreius two. There
were besides about eighty cohorts raised in Hither and Further Spain
(of which, the troops belonging to the former province had shields,
those of the latter targets), and about five thousand horse raised
in both provinces. Caesar had sent his legions into Spain, with about
six thousand auxiliary foot, and three thousand horse, which had served
under him in all his former wars, and the same number from Gaul, which
he himself had provided, having expressly called out all the most
noble and valiant men of each state. The bravest of these were from
the Aquitani and the mountaineers, who border on the Province in Gaul.
He had been informed that Pompey was marching through Mauritania with
his legions to Spain, and would shortly arrive. He at the same time
borrowed money from the tribunes and centurions, which he distributed
among his soldiers. By this proceeding he gained two points; he secured
the interest of the centurions by this pledge in his hands, and by
his liberality he purchased the affections of his army. 

Chapter 40 

Fabius sounded the inclinations of the neighboring states by letters
and messengers. He had made two bridges over the river Segre, at the
distance of four miles from each other. He sent foraging parties over
these bridges, because he had already consumed all the forage that
was on his side of the river. The generals of Pompey's army did almost
the same thing, and for the same reason: and the horse had frequent
skirmishes with each other. When two of Fabius's legions had, as was
their constant practice, gone forth as the usual protection to the
foragers, and had crossed the river, and the baggage, and all the
horse were following them, on a sudden, from the weight of the cattle,
and the mass of water, the bridge fell, and all the horse were cut
off from the main army, which being known to Petreius and Afranius,
from the timber and hurdles that were carried down the river, Afranius
immediately crossed his own bridge, which communicated between his
camp and the town, with four legions and all the cavalry, and marched
against Fabius's two legions. When his approach was announced, Lucius
Plancus, who had the command of those legions, compelled by the emergency,
took post on a rising ground; and drew up his army with two fronts,
that it might not be surrounded by the cavalry. Thus, though engaged
with superior numbers, he sustained the furious charge of the legions
and the horse. When the battle was begun by the horse, there were
observed at a distance by both sides the colors of two legions, which
Caius Fabius had sent round by the further bridge to reinforce our
men, suspecting, as the event verified, that the enemy's generals
would take advantage of the opportunity which fortune had put in their
way, to attack our men. Their approach put an end to the battle, and
each general led back his legions to their respective camps.

Chapter 41 

In two days after Caesar came to the camp with nine hundred horse,
which he had retained for a body guard. The bridge which had been
broken down by the storm was almost repaired, and he ordered it to
be finished in the night. Being acquainted with the nature of the
country, he left behind him six cohorts to guard the bridge, the camp,
and all his baggage, and the next day set off in person for Ilerda,
with all his forces drawn up in three lines, and halted just before
the camp of Afranius, and having remained there a short time under
arms, he offered him battle on equal terms. When this affair was made,
Afranius drew out his forces, and posted them on the middle of a hill,
near his camp. When Caesar perceived that Afranius declined coming
to an engagement, he resolved to encamp at somewhat less than half
a mile's distance from the very foot of the mountain; and that his
soldiers while engaged in their works, might not be terrified by any
sudden attack of the enemy, or disturbed in their work, he ordered
them not to fortify it with a wall, which must rise high, and be seen
at a distance, but draw, on the front opposite the enemy, a trench
fifteen feet broad. The first and second lines confined under arms,
as was from the first appointed. Behind them the third line was carrying
on the work without being seen; so that the whole was completed before
Afranius discovered that the camp was being fortified. 

Chapter 42 

In the evening Caesar drew his legions within this trench, and rested
them under arms the next night. The day following he kept his whole
army within it, and as it was necessary to bring materials from a
considerable distance, he for the present pursued the same plan in
his work; and to each legion, one after the other, he assigned one
side of the camp to fortify, and ordered trenches of the same magnitude
to be cut: he kept the rest of the legions under arms without baggage
to oppose the enemy. Afranius and Petreius, to frighten us and obstruct
the work, drew out their forces at the very foot of the mountain,
and challenged us to battle. Caesar, however, did not interrupt his
work, relying on the protection of the three legions, and the strength
of the fosse. After staying for a short time, and advancing no great
distance from the bottom of the hill, they led back their forces to
their camp. The third day Caesar fortified his camp with a rampart,
and ordered the other cohorts which he had left in the upper camp,
and his baggage to be removed to it. 

Chapter 43 

Between the town of Ilerda and the next hill, on which Afranius and
Petreius were encamped, there was a plain about three hundred paces
broad, and near the middle of it an eminence somewhat raised above
the level: Caesar hoped that if he could get possession of this and
fortify it, he should be able to cut off the enemy from the town,
the bridge, and all the stores which they had laid up in the town.
In expectation of this he led three legions out of the camp, and,
drawing up his army in an advantageous position, he ordered the advanced
men of one legion to hasten forward and seize the eminence. Upon intelligence
of this the cohorts which were on guard before Afranius's camp were
instantly sent a nearer way to occupy the same post. The two parties
engage, and as Afranius's men had reached the eminence first, our
men were repulsed, and, on a reinforcement being sent, they were obliged
to turn their backs and retreat to the standards of legions.

Chapter 44 

The manner of fighting of those soldiers was to run forward with great
impetuosity and boldly take a post, and not to keep their ranks strictly,
but to fight in small scattered parties: if hard pressed they thought
it no disgrace to retire and give up the post, being accustomed to
this manner of fighting among the Lusitanians and other barbarous
nations; for it commonly happens that soldiers are strongly influenced
by the customs of those countries in which they have spent much time.
This method, however, alarmed our men, who were not used to such a
description of warfare. For they imagined that they were about to
be surrounded on their exposed flank by the single men who ran forward
from their ranks; and they thought it their duty to keep their ranks,
and not to quit their colors, nor, without good reason to give up
the post which they had taken. Accordingly, when the advanced guard
gave way, the legion which was stationed on that wing did not keep
its ground, but retreated to the next hill. 

Chapter 45 

Almost the whole army being daunted at this, because it had occurred
contrary to their expectations and custom, Caesar encouraged his men
and led the ninth legion to their relief, and checked the insolent
and eager pursuit of the enemy, and obliged them, in their turn, to
show their backs, and retreat to Ilerda, and take post under the walls.
But the soldiers of the ninth legion, being over zealous to repair
the dishonor which had been sustained, having rashly pursued the fleeing
enemy, advanced into disadvantageous ground and went up to the foot
of the mountain on which the town Ilerda was built. And when they
wished to retire they were again attacked by the enemy from the rising
ground. The place was craggy in the front and steep on either side,
and was so narrow that even three cohorts, drawn up in order of battle,
would fill it; but no relief could be sent on the flanks, and the
horse could be of no service to them when hard pressed. From the town,
indeed, the precipice inclined with a gentle slope for near four hundred
paces. Our men had to retreat this way, as they had, through their
eagerness, advanced too inconsiderately. The greatest contest was
in this place, which was much to the disadvantage of our troops, both
on account of its narrowness, and because they were posted at the
foot of the mountain, so that no weapon was thrown at them without
effect; yet they exerted their valor and patience, and bore every
wound. The enemy's forces were increasing, and cohorts were frequently
sent to their aid from the camp through the town, that fresh men might
relieve the weary. Caesar was obliged to do the same, and relieve
the fatigued by sending cohorts to that post. 

Chapter 46 

After the battle had in this manner continued incessantly for five
hours, and our men had suffered much from superior numbers, having
spent all their javelins, they drew their swords and charged the enemy
up the hill, and, having killed a few, obliged the rest to fly. The
cohorts being beaten back to the wall, and some being driven by their
fears into the town, an easy retreat was afforded to our men. Our
cavalry also, on either flank, though stationed on sloping or low
ground, yet bravely struggled up to the top of the hill, and, riding
between the two armies, made our retreat more easy and secure. Such
were the various turns of fortune in the battle. In the first encounter
about seventy of our men fell: among them Quintus Fulgenius, first
centurion of the second line of the fourteenth legion, who, for his
extraordinary valor, had been promoted from the lower ranks to that
post. About six hundred were wounded. Of Afranius's party there were
killed Titus Caecilius, principal centurion, and four other centurions,
and above two hundred men. 

Chapter 47 

But this opinion is spread abroad concerning this day, that each party
thought that they came off conquerors. Afranius's soldiers, because,
though they were esteemed inferior in the opinion of all, yet they
had stood our attack and sustained our charge, and, at first, had
kept the post on the hill which had been the occasion of the dispute;
and, in the first encounter, had obliged our men to fly: but ours,
because, notwithstanding the disadvantage of the ground and the disparity
of numbers, they had maintained the battle for five hours, had advanced
up the hill sword in hand, and had forced the enemy to fly from the
higher ground and driven them into the town. The enemy fortified the
hill, about which the contest had been, with strong works and posted
a garrison on it. 

Chapter 48 

In two days after this transaction, there happened an unexpected misfortune.
For so great a storm arose, that it was agreed that there were never
seen higher floods in those countries; it swept down the snow from
all the mountains, and broke over the banks of the river, and in one
day carried away both the bridges which Fabius had built - a circumstance
which caused great difficulties to Caesar's army. For as our camp,
as already mentioned, was pitched between two rivers, the Segre and
Cinca, and as neither of these could be forded for the space of thirty
miles, they were all of necessity confined within these narrow limits.
Neither could the states, which had espoused Caesar's cause, furnish
him with corn, nor the troops, which had gone far to forage, return,
as they were stopped by the waters: nor could the convoys, coming
from Italy and Gaul, make their way to the camp. Besides, it was the
most distressing season of the year, when there was no corn in the
blade, and it was nearly ripe: and the states were exhausted, because
Afranius had conveyed almost all the corn, before Caesar's arrival,
into Ilerda, and whatever he had left, had been already consumed by
Caesar. The cattle, which might have served as a secondary resource
against want, had been removed by the states to a great distance on
account of the war. They who had gone out to get forage or corn, were
chased by the light troops of the Lusitanians, and the targeteers
of Hither Spain, who were well acquainted with the country, and could
readily swim across the river, because it is the custom of all those
people not to join their armies without bladders. 

Chapter 49 

But Afranius's army had abundance of everything; a great stock of
corn had been provided and laid in long before, a large quantity was
coming in from the whole province: they had a good store of forage.
The bridge of Ilerda afforded an opportunity of getting all these
without any danger, and the places beyond the bridge, to which Caesar
had no access, were as yet untouched. 

Chapter 50 

Those floods continued several days. Caesar endeavored to repair the
bridges, but the height of the water did not allow him: and the cohorts
disposed along the banks did not suffer them to be completed; and
it was easy for them to prevent it, both from the nature of the river
and the height of the water, but especially because their darts were
thrown from the whole course of the bank on one confined spot; and
it was no easy matter at one and the same time to execute a work in
a very rapid flood, and to avoid the darts. 

Chapter 51 

Intelligence was brought to Afranius that the great convoys, which
were on their march to Caesar, had halted at the river. Archers from
the Rutheni, and horse from the Gauls, with a long train of baggage,
according to the Gallic custom of traveling, had arrived there; there
were besides about six thousand people of all descriptions, with slaves
and freed men. But there was no order, or regular discipline, as every
one followed his own humor, and all traveled without apprehension,
taking the same liberty as on former marches. There were several young
noblemen, sons of senators, and of equestrian rank; there were embassadors
from several states; there were lieutenants of Caesar's. The river
stopped them all. To attack them by surprise, Afranius set out in
the beginning of the night, with all his cavalry and three legions,
and sent the horse on before, to fall on them unawares; but the Gallic
horse soon got themselves in readiness, and attacked them. Though
but few, they withstood the vast number of the enemy, as long as they
fought on equal terms; but when the legions began to approach, having
lost a few men, they retreated to the next mountains. The delay occasioned
by this battle was of great importance to the security of our men;
for having gained time, they retired to the higher grounds. There
were missing that day about two hundred bow-men, a few horse, and
an inconsiderable number of servants and baggage. 

Chapter 52 

However, by all these things, the price of provisions was raised,
which is commonly a disaster attendant, not only on a time of present
scarcity, but on the apprehension of future want. Provisions had now
reached fifty denarii each bushel; and the want of corn had diminished
the strength of the soldiers; and the inconveniences were increasing
every day; and so great an alteration was wrought in a few days, and
fortune had so changed sides, that our men had to struggle with the
want of every necessary; while the enemy had an abundant supply of
all things, and were considered to have the advantage. Caesar demanded
from those states which had acceded to his alliance, a supply of cattle,
as they had but little corn. He sent away the camp followers to the
more distant states, and endeavored to remedy the present scarcity
by every resource in his power. 

Chapter 53 

Afranius and Petreius, and their friends, sent fuller and more
circumstantial accounts of these things to Rome, to their
acquaintances. Report exaggerated them so that the war appeared to be
almost at an end. When these letters and dispatches were received at
Rome, a great concourse of people resorted to the house of Afranius,
and congratulations ran high; several went out of Italy to Cneius
Pompey; some of them, to be the first to bring him the intelligence;
others, that they might not be thought to have waited the issue of the
war, and to have come last of all.

Chapter 54

When Caesar's affairs were in this unfavorable position, and all the
passes were guarded by the soldiers and horse of Afranius, and the
bridges could not be prepared, Caesar ordered his soldiers to make
ships of the kind that his knowledge of Britain a few years before had
taught him. First, the keels and ribs were made of light timber, then,
the rest of the hulk of the ships was wrought with wicker work, and
covered over with hides. When these were finished, he drew them down
to the river in wagons in one night, a distance of twenty-two miles
from his camp, and transported in them some soldiers across the river,
and on a sudden took possession of a hill adjoining the bank. This he
immediately fortified, before he was perceived by the enemy. To this
he afterward transported a legion: and having begun a bridge on both
sides, he finished it in two days. By this means, he brought safe to
his camp, the convoys, and those who had gone out to forage; and began
to prepare a conveyance for the provisions.

Chapter 55

The same day he made a great part of his horse pass the river, who,
falling on the foragers by surprise as they were dispersed without any
suspicions, intercepted an incredible number of cattle and people; and
when some Spanish light-armed cohorts were sent to reinforce the
enemy, our men judiciously divided themselves into two parts, the one
to protect the spoil, the other to resist the advancing foe, and to
beat them back, and they cut off from the rest and surrounded one
cohort, which had rashly ventured out of the line before the others,
and after putting it to the sword, returned safe with considerable
booty to the camp over the same bridge.

Chapter 56

While these affairs are going forward at Ilerda, the Massilians,
adopting the advice of Domitius, prepared seventeen ships of war, of
which eleven were decked. To these they add several smaller vessels,
that our fleet might be terrified by numbers; they man them with a
great number of archers and of the Albici, of whom mention has been
already made, and these they incited by rewards and promises. Domitius
required certain ships for his own use, which he manned with colonists
and shepherds, whom he had brought along with him. A fleet being thus
furnished with every necessary, he advanced with great confidence
against our ships, commanded by Decimus Brutus. It was stationed at an
island opposite to Massilia.

Chapter 57

Brutus was much inferior in number of ships; but Caesar had appointed
to that fleet the bravest men selected from all his legions,
antesignani and centurions, who had requested to be employed in that
service.  They had provided iron hooks and harpoons, and had furnished
themselves with a vast number of javelins, darts, and missiles. Thus
prepared, and being apprised of the enemy's approach, they put out
from the harbor, and engaged the Massilians. Both sides fought with
great courage and resolution; nor did the Albici, a hardy people, bred
on the highlands and inured to arms, fall much short of our men in
valor: and being lately come from the Massilians, they retained in
their minds their recent promises: and the wild shepherds, encouraged
by the hope of liberty, were eager to prove their zeal in the presence
of their masters.

Chapter 58

The Massilians themselves, confiding in the quickness of their ships,
and the skill of their pilots, eluded ours, and evaded the shock, and
as long as they were permitted by clear space, lengthening their line
they endeavored to surround us, or to attack single ships with several
of theirs, or to run across our ships, and carry away our oars, if
possible; but when necessity obliged them to come nearer, they had
recourse, from the skill and art of the pilots, to the valor of the
mountaineers. But our men, not having such expert seamen, or skillful
pilots, for they had been hastily drafted from the merchant ships, and
were not yet acquainted even with the names of the rigging, were
moreover impeded by the heaviness and slowness of our vessels, which
having been built in a hurry and of green timber, were not so easily
maneuvered. Therefore, when Caesar's men had an opportunity of a close
engagement, they cheerfully opposed two of the enemy's ships with one
of theirs. And throwing in the grappling-irons, and holding both ships
fast, they fought on both sides of the deck, and boarded the enemy's;
and having killed numbers of the Albici and shepherds, they sank some
of their ships, took others with the men on board, and drove the rest
into the harbor. That day the Massilians lost nine ships, including
those that were taken.

Chapter 59

When news of this battle was brought to Caesar at Ilerda, the bridge
being completed at the same time, fortune soon took a turn. The enemy,
daunted by the courage of our horse, did not scour the country as
freely or as boldly as before: but sometimes advancing a small
distance from the camp, that they might have a ready retreat, they
foraged within narrower bounds: at other times, they took a longer
circuit to avoid our outposts and parties of horse; or having
sustained some loss, or descried our horse at a distance, they fled in
the midst of their expedition, leaving their baggage behind them; at
length they resolved to leave off foraging for several days, and,
contrary to the practice of all nations, to go out at night.

Chapter 60

In the mean time the Oscenses and the Calagurritani, who were under
the government of the Oscenses, send embassadors to Caesar, and offer
to submit to his orders. They are followed by the Tarraconenses,
Jacetani, and Ausetani, and in a few days more by the Illurgavonenses,
who dwell near the river Ebro. He requires of them all, to assist him
with corn, to which they agreed, and having collected all the cattle
in the country, they convey them into his camp. One entire cohort of
the Illurgavonenses, knowing the design of their state, came over to
Caesar, from the place where they were stationed, and carried their
colors with them. A great change is shortly made in the face of
affairs. The bridge being finished, five powerful states being joined
to Caesar, a way opened for the receiving of corn, and the rumors of
the assistance of legions which were said to be on their march, with
Pompey at their head, through Mauritania, having died away, several of
the more distant states revolt from Afranius, and enter into league
with Caesar.

Chapter 61

While the spirits of the enemy were dismayed at these things, Caesar,
that he might not be always obliged to send his horse a long circuit
round by the bridge, having found a convenient place, began to sink
several drains, thirty feet deep, by which he might draw off a part of
the river Segre, and make a ford over it. When these were almost
finished, Afranius and Petreius began to be greatly alarmed, lest they
should be altogether cut off from corn and forage, because Caesar was
very strong in cavalry. They therefore resolved to quit their posts,
and to transfer the war to Celtiberia. There was, moreover, a
circumstance that confirmed them in this resolution: for of the two
adverse parties, that, which had stood by Sertorius in the late war,
being conquered by Pompey, still trembled at his name and sway, though
absent: the other which had remained firm in Pompey's interest, loved
him for the favors which they had received: but Caesar's name was not
known to the barbarians. From these they expected considerable aid,
both of horse and foot, and hoped to protract the war till winter, in
a friendly country. Having come to this resolution, they gave orders
to collect all the ships in the river Ebro, and to bring them to
Octogesa, a town situated on the river Ebro, about twenty miles
distant from their camp. At this part of the river, they ordered a
bridge to be made of boats fastened together, and transported two
legions over the river Segre, and fortified their camp with a rampart,
twelve feet high.

Chapter 62

Notice of this being given by the scouts, Caesar continued his work
day and night, with very great fatigue to the soldiers, to drain the
river, and so far effected his purpose, that the horse were both able
and bold enough, though with some difficulty and danger, to pass the
river; but the foot had only their shoulders and upper part of their
breast above the water, so that their fording it was retarded, not
only by the depth of the water, but also by the rapidity of the
current.  However, almost at the same instant, news was received of
the bridge being nearly completed over the Ebro, and a ford was found
in the Segre.

Chapter 63

Now indeed the enemy began to think that they ought to hasten their
march. Accordingly, leaving two auxiliary cohorts in the garrison at
Ilerda, they crossed the Segre with their whole force, and formed one
camp with the two legions which they had led across a few days
before. Caesar had no resource, but to annoy and cut down their rear;
since with his cavalry to go by the bridge, required him to take a
long circuit; so that they would arrive at the Ebro by a much shorter
route. The horse, which he had detached, crossed the ford, and when
Afranius and Petreius had broken up their camp about the third watch,
they suddenly appeared on their rear, and spreading round them in
great numbers, retard and impede their march.

Chapter 64

At break of day, it was perceived from the rising grounds which joined
Caesar's camp, that their rear was vigorously pressed by our horse;
that the last line sometimes halted and was broken; at other times,
that they joined battle and that our men were beaten back by a general
charge of their cohorts, and, in their turn, pursued them when they
wheeled about: but through the whole camp the soldiers gathered in
parties, and declared their chagrin that the enemy had been suffered
to escape from their hands and that the war had been unnecessarily
protracted. They applied to their tribunes and centurions, and
entreated them to inform Caesar that he need not spare their labor or
consider their danger; that they were ready and able, and would
venture to ford the river where the horse had crossed. Caesar,
encouraged by their zeal and importunity, though he felt reluctant to
expose his army to a river so exceedingly large, yet judged it prudent
to attempt it and make a trial. Accordingly, he ordered all the weaker
soldiers, whose spirit or strength seemed unequal to the fatigue, to
be selected from each century, and left them, with one legion besides,
to guard the camp: the rest of the legions he drew out without any
baggage, and, having disposed a great number of horses in the river,
above and below the ford, he led his army over. A few of his soldiers
being carried away by the force of the current, were stopped by the
horse and taken up, and not a man perished. His army being safe on the
opposite bank, he drew out his forces and resolved to lead them
forward in three battalions: and so great was the ardor of the
soldiers that, notwithstanding the addition of a circuit of six miles
and a considerable delay in fording the river, before the ninth hour
of the day they came up with those who had set out at the third watch.

Chapter 65

When Afranius, who was in company with Petreius, saw them at a
distance, being affrighted at so unexpected a sight, he halted on a
rising ground and drew up his army. Caesar refreshed his army on the
plain that he might not expose them to battle while fatigued; and when
the enemy attempted to renew their march, he pursued and stopped
them. They were obliged to pitch their camp sooner than they had
intended, for there were mountains at a small distance; and difficult
and narrow roads awaited them about five miles off. They retired
behind these mountains that they might avoid Caesar's cavalry, and,
placing parties in the narrow roads, stop the progress of his army and
lead their own forces across the Ebro without danger or
apprehension. This it was their interest to attempt and to effect by
any means possible; but, fatigued by the skirmishes all day, and by
the labor of their march, they deferred it till the following day;
Caesar likewise encamped on the next hill.

Chapter 66

About midnight a few of their men who had gone some distance from the
camp to fetch water, being taken by our horse, Caesar is informed by
them that the generals of the enemy were drawing their troops out of
the camp without noise. Upon this information Caesar ordered the
signal to be given and the military shout to be raised for packing up
the baggage. When they heard the shout, being afraid lest they should
be stopped in the night and obliged to engage under their baggage, or
lest they should be confined in the narrow roads by Caesar's horse,
they put a stop to their march and kept their forces in their camp.
The next day Petreius went out privately with a few horse to
reconnoitre the country. A similar movement was made from Caesar's
camp. Lucius Decidius Saxa, was detached with a small party to explore
the nature of the country. Each returned with the same account to his
camp, that there was a level road for the next five miles, that there
then succeeded a rough and mountainous country. Whichever should first
obtain possession of the defiles would have no trouble in preventing
the other's progress.

Chapter 67

There was a debate in the council between Afranius and Petreius, and
the time of marching was the subject. The majority were of opinion
that they should begin their march at night, "for they might reach the
defiles before they should be discovered." Others, because a shout had
been raised the night before in Caesar's camp, used this as an
argument that they could not leave the camp unnoticed: "that Caesar's
cavalry were patrolling the whole night, and that all the ways and
roads were beset; that battles at night ought to be avoided, because,
in civil dissension, a soldier once daunted is more apt to consult his
fears than his oath; that the daylight raised a strong sense of shame
in the eyes of all, and that the presence of the tribunes and
centurions had the same effect: by these things the soldiers would be
restrained and awed to their duty. Wherefore they should, by all
means, attempt to force their way by day; for, though a trifling loss
might be sustained, yet the post which they desired might be secured
with safety to the main body of the army." This opinion prevailed in
the council, and the next day, at the dawn, they resolved to set
forward.

Chapter 68

Caesar, having taken a view of the country, the moment the sky began
to grow white, led his forces from the camp and marched at the head of
his army by a long circuit, keeping to no regular road; for the road
which led to the Ebro and Octogesa was occupied by the enemy's camp,
which lay in Caesar's way. His soldiers were obliged to cross
extensive and difficult valleys. Craggy cliffs, in several places,
interrupted their march, insomuch that their arms had to be handed to
one another, and the soldiers were forced to perform a great part of
their march unarmed, and were lifted up the rocks by each other.  But
not a man murmured at the fatigue, because they imagined that there
would be a period to all their toils, if they could cut off the enemy
from the Ebro and intercept their convoys.

Chapter 69

At first, Afranius's soldiers ran in high spirits from their camp to
look at us, and in contumelious language upbraided us, "that we were
forced, for want of necessary subsistence, to run away, and return to
Ilerda." For our route was different from what we proposed, and we
appeared to be going a contrary way. But their generals applauded
their own prudence in keeping within their camp, and it was a strong
confirmation of their opinion, that they saw we marched without wagons
or baggage, which made them confident that we could not long endure
want. But when they saw our army gradually wheel to the right, and
observed our van was already passing the line of their camp, there was
nobody so stupid, or averse to fatigue, as not to think it necessary
to march from the camp immediately, and oppose us. The cry to arms was
raised, and all the army, except a few which were left to guard the
camp, set out and marched the direct road to the Ebro.

Chapter 70

The contest depended entirely on dispatch, which should first get
possession of the defile and the mountains. The difficulty of the
roads delayed Caesar's army, but his cavalry pursuing Afranius's
forces, retarded their march. However, the affair was necessarily
reduced to this point, with respect to Afranius's men, that if they
first gained the mountains, which they desired, they would themselves
avoid all danger, but could not save the baggage of their whole army,
nor the cohorts which they had left behind in the camps, to which,
being intercepted by Caesar's army, by no means could assistance be
given.  Caesar first accomplished the march, and having found a plain
behind large rocks, drew up his army there in order of battle and
facing the enemy. Afranius, perceiving that his rear was galled by our
cavalry, and seeing the enemy before him, having come to a hill, made
a halt on it. Thence he detached four cohorts of Spanish light
infantry to the highest mountain which was in view: to this he ordered
them to hasten with all expedition, and to take possession of it, with
the intention of going to the same place with all his forces, then
altering his route, and crossing the hills to Octogesa. As the
Spaniards were making toward it in an oblique direction, Caesar's
horse espied them and attacked them, nor were they able to withstand
the charge of the cavalry even for a moment, but were all surrounded
and cut to pieces in the sight of the two armies.

Chapter 71

There was now an opportunity for managing affairs successfully, nor
did it escape Caesar, that an army daunted at suffering such a loss
before their eyes, could not stand, especially as they were surrounded
by our horse, and the engagement would take place on even and open
ground. To this he was importuned on all sides. The lieutenants,
centurions, and tribunes, gathered round him, and begged "that he
would not hesitate to begin the battle: that the hearts of all the
soldiers were very anxious for it: that Afranius's men had by several
circumstances betrayed signs of fear; in that they had not assisted
their party; in that they had not quitted the hill; in that they did
not sustain the charge of our cavalry, but crowding their standards
into one place, did not observe either rank or order. But if he had
any apprehensions from the disadvantage of the ground, that an
opportunity would be given him of coming to battle in some other
place: for that Afranius must certainly come down, and would not be
able to remain there for want of water."

Chapter 72

Caesar had conceived hopes of ending the affair without an engagement,
or without striking a blow, because he had cut off the enemy's
supplies.  Why should he hazard the loss of any of his men, even in a
successful battle? Why should he expose soldiers to be wounded, who
had deserved so well of him? Why, in short, should he tempt fortune?
especially when it was as much a general's duty to conquer by tactics
as by the sword. Besides, he was moved with compassion for those
citizens, who, he foresaw, must fall: and he had rather gain his
object without any loss or injury to them. This resolution of Caesar
was not generally approved of; but the soldiers openly declared to
each other that since such an opportunity of victory was let pass,
they would not come to an engagement, even when Caesar should wish
it. He persevered however in his resolution, and retired a little from
that place to abate the enemy's fears. Petreius and Afranius, having
got this opportunity, retired to their camp. Caesar, having disposed
parties on the mountains, and cut off all access to the Ebro,
fortified his camp as close to the enemy as he could.

Chapter 73

The day following, the generals of his opponents, being alarmed that
they had lost all prospect of supplies, and of access to the Ebro,
consulted as to what other course they should take. There were two
roads, one to Ilerda, if they chose to return, the other to Tarraco,
if they should march to it. While they were deliberating on these
matters, intelligence was brought them that their watering parties
were attacked by our horse: upon which information, they dispose
several parties of horse and auxiliary foot along the road, and
intermix some legionary cohorts, and begin to throw up a rampart from
the camp to the water, that they might be able to procure water within
their lines, both without fear, and without a guard. Petreius and
Afranius divided this task between themselves, and went in person to
some distance from their camp for the purpose of seeing it
accomplished.

Chapter 74

The soldiers having obtained by their absence a free opportunity of
conversing with each other, came out in great numbers, and inquired
each for whatever acquaintance or fellow-citizen he had in our camp,
and invited him to him. First they returned them general thanks for
sparing them the day before, when they were greatly terrified, and
acknowledged that they were alive through their kindness; then they
inquired about the honor of our general, and whether they could with
safety intrust themselves to him; and declared their sorrow that they
had not done so in the beginning, and that they had taken up arms
against their relations and kinsmen. Encouraged by these conferences,
they desired the general's parole for the lives of Petreius and
Afranius, that they might not appear guilty of a crime, in having
betrayed their generals. When they were assured of obtaining their
demands, they promised that they would immediately remove their
standards, and sent centurions of the first rank as deputies to treat
with Caesar about a peace. In the mean time some of them invite their
acquaintances, and bring them to their camp, others are brought away
by their friends, so that the two camps seemed to be united into one,
and several of the tribunes and centurions came to Caesar, and paid
their respects to him. The same was done by some of the nobility of
Spain, whom they summoned to their assistance, and kept in their camp
as hostages.  They inquired after their acquaintance and friends, by
whom each might have the means of being recommended to Caesar. Even
Afranius's son, a young man, endeavored, by means of Sulpitius the
lieutenant, to make terms for his own and his father's life. Every
place was filled with mirth and congratulations; in the one army,
because they thought they had escaped so impending danger; in the
other, because they thought they had completed so important a matter
without blows; and Caesar, in every man's judgment, reaped the
advantage of his former lenity, and his conduct was applauded by all.

Chapter 75

When these circumstances were announced to Afranius, he left the work
which he had begun, and returned to his camp, determined as it
appeared, whatever should be the event, to bear it with an even and
steady mind.  Petreius did not neglect himself; he armed his
domestics; with them and the praetorian cohort of Spaniards, and a few
foreign horse, his dependents, whom he commonly kept near him to guard
his person, he suddenly flew to the rampart, interrupted the
conferences of the soldiers, drove our men from the camp, and put to
death as many as he caught.  The rest formed into a body, and being
alarmed by the unexpected danger, wrapped their left arms in their
cloaks, and drew their swords, and in this manner, depending on the
nearness of their camp, defended themselves against the Spaniards, and
the horse, and made good their retreat to the camp, where they were
protected by the cohorts which were on guard.

Chapter 76

Petreius, after accomplishing this, went round every maniple, calling
the soldiers by their names, and entreating with tears that they would
not give up him and their absent general Pompey, as a sacrifice to the
vengeance of their enemies. Immediately they ran in crowds to the
general's pavilion, when he required them all to take an oath that
they would not desert nor betray the army nor the generals, nor form
any design distinct from the general interest. He himself swore first
to the tenor of those words, and obliged Afranius to take the same
oath. The tribunes and centurions followed their example; the soldiers
were brought out by centuries, and took the same oath. They gave
orders, that whoever had any of Caesar's soldiers should produce them;
as soon as they were produced, they put them to death publicly in the
praetorium, but most of them concealed those that they had
entertained, and let them out at night over the rampart. Thus the
terror raised by the generals, the cruelty of the punishments, the new
obligation of an oath, removed all hopes of surrender for the present,
changed the soldiers' minds, and reduced matters to the former state
of war.

Chapter 77

Caesar ordered the enemy's soldiers, who had come into his camp to
hold a conference, to be searched for with the strictest diligence,
and sent back. But of the tribunes and centurions, several voluntarily
remained with him, and he afterward treated them with great respect.
The centurions he promoted to higher ranks, and conferred on the Roman
knights the honor of tribunes.

Chapter 78

Afranius's men were distressed in foraging, and procured water with
difficulty. The legionary soldiers had a tolerable supply of corn,
because they had beef ordered to bring from Ilerda sufficient to last
twenty-two days; the Spanish and auxiliary forces had none, for they
had but few opportunities of procuring any, and their bodies were not
accustomed to bear burdens; and therefore a great number of them came
over to Caesar every day. Their affairs were under these difficulties;
but of the two schemes proposed, the most expedient seemed to be to
return to Ilerda, because they had left some corn there; and there
they hoped to decide on a plan for their future conduct. Tarraco lay
at a greater distance; and in such a space they knew affairs might
admit of many changes. Their design having met with approbation, they
set out from their camp. Caesar having sent forward his cavalry, to
annoy and retard their rear, followed close after with his legions.
Not a moment passed in which their rear was not engaged with our
horse.

Chapter 79

Their manner of fighting was this: the light cohorts closed their
rear, and frequently made a stand on the level grounds. If they had a
mountain to ascend, the very nature of the place readily secured them
from any danger; for the advanced guards, from the rising grounds,
protected the rest in their ascent. When they approached a valley or
declivity, and the advanced men could not impart assistance to the
tardy, our horse threw their darts at them from the rising grounds
with advantage; then their affairs were in a perilous situation; the
only plan left was, that whenever they came near such places, they
should give orders to the legions to halt, and by a violent effort
repulse our horse; and these being forced to give way, they should
suddenly, with the utmost speed, run all together down to the valley,
and having passed it, should face about again on the next hill. For so
far were they from deriving any assistance from their horse (of which
they had a large number), that they were obliged to receive them into
the center of their army, and themselves protect them, as they were
daunted by former battles. And on their march no one could quit the
line without being taken by Caesar's horse.

Chapter 80

While skirmishes were fought in this manner, they advanced but slowly
and gradually, and frequently halted to help their rear, as then
happened.  For having advanced four miles, and being very much
harassed by our horse, they took post on a high mountain, and there in
trenched themselves on the front only, facing the enemy; and did not
take their baggage off their cattle. When they perceived that Caesar's
camp was pitched, and the tents fixed up, and his horse sent out to
forage, they suddenly rushed out about twelve o'clock the same day,
and, having hopes that we should be delayed by the absence of our
horse, they began to march, which Caesar perceiving, followed them
with the legions that remained.  He left a few cohorts to guard his
baggage, and ordered the foragers to be called home at the tenth hour,
and the horse to follow him.  The horse shortly returned to their
daily duty on march, and charged the rear so vigorously, that they
almost forced them to fly; and several privates and some centurions
were killed. The main body of Caesar's army was at hand, and universal
ruin threatened them.

Chapter 81

Then indeed, not having opportunity either to choose a convenient
position for their camp, or to march forward, they were obliged to
halt, and to encamp at a distance from water, and on ground naturally
unfavorable. But for the reasons already given, Caesar did not attack
them, nor suffer a tent to be pitched that day, that his men might be
the readier to pursue them whether they attempted to run off by night
or by day. Observing the defect in their position, they spent the
whole night in extending their work, and turning their camp to
ours. The next day, at dawn, they do the same, and spend the whole day
in that manner, but in proportion as they advanced their works, and
extended their camp, they were further distant from the water; and one
evil was remedied by another. The first night, no one went out for
water. The next day, they left a guard in the camp, and led out all
their forces to water: but not a person was sent to look for
forage. Caesar was more desirous that they should be humbled by these
means, and forced to come to terms, than decide the contest by battle.
Yet he endeavored to surround them with a wall and trench, that he
might be able to check their most sudden sally, to which he imagined
that they must have recourse. Hereupon, urged by want of fodder, that
they might be the readier for a march, they killed all their baggage
cattle.

Chapter 82

In this work, and the deliberations on it, two days were spent. By the
third day a considerable part of Caesar's work was finished. To
interrupt his progress, they drew out their legions about the eighth
hour, by a certain signal, and placed them in order of battle before
their camp. Caesar calling his legions off from their work, and
ordering the horse to hold themselves in readiness, marshaled his
army: for to appear to decline an engagement contrary to the opinion
of the soldiers and the general voice, would have been attended with
great disadvantage. But for the reasons already known, he was
dissuaded from wishing to engage, and the more especially, because the
short space between the camps, even if the enemy were put to flight,
would not contribute much to a decisive victory; for the two camps
were not distant from each other above two thousand feet. Two parts of
this were occupied by the armies, and one third left for the soldiers
to charge and make their attack. If a battle should be begun, the
nearness of the camps would afford a ready retreat to the conquered
party in the flight. For this reason Caesar had resolved to make
resistance if they attacked him, but not to be the first to provoke
the battle.

Chapter 83

Afranius's five legions were drawn up in two lines, the auxiliary
cohorts formed the third line, and acted as reserves. Caesar had three
lines, four cohorts out of each of the five legions formed the first
line. Three more from each legion followed them, as reserves: and
three others were behind these. The slingers and archers were
stationed in the center of the line; the cavalry closed the
flanks. The hostile armies being arranged in this manner, each seemed
determined to adhere to his first intention: Caesar not to hazard a
battle, unless forced to it; Afranius to interrupt Caesar's
works. However, the matter was deferred, and both armies kept under
arms till sunset; when they both returned to their camp. The next day
Caesar prepared to finish the works which he had begun. The enemy
attempted to pass the river Segre by a ford. Caesar, having perceived
this, sent some light armed Germans and a party of horse across the
river, and disposed several parties along the banks to guard them.

Chapter 84

At length, beset on all sides, their cattle having been four days
without fodder, and having no water, wood, or corn, they beg a
conference; and that, if possible, in a place remote from the
soldiers. When this was refused by Caesar, but a public interview
offered if they chose it, Afranius's son was given as a hostage to
Caesar. They met in the place appointed by Caesar. In the hearing of
both armies Afranius spoke thus: "That Caesar ought not to be
displeased either with him or his soldiers, for wishing to preserve
their attachment to their general, Cneius Pompey. That they had now
sufficiently discharged their duty to him, and had suffered punishment
enough, in having endured the want of every necessary: but now, pent
up almost like wild beasts, they were prevented from procuring water,
and prevented from walking abroad; and were not able to bear the
bodily pain or the mental disgrace: but confessed themselves
vanquished: and begged and entreated, if there was any room left for
mercy, that they should not be necessitated to suffer the most severe
penalties." These sentiments were delivered in the most submissive and
humble language.

Chapter 85

Caesar replied, "That either to complain or sue for mercy became no
man less than him: for that every other person had done their duty:
himself, in having declined to engage on favorable terms, in an
advantageous situation and time, that all things tending to a peace
might be totally unembarrassed: his army, in having preserved and
protected the men whom they had in their power, notwithstanding the
injuries which they had received, and the murder of their comrades;
and even Afranius's soldiers, who of themselves treated about
concluding a peace, by which they thought that they would secure the
lives of all. Thus, that the parties on both sides inclined to mercy:
that the generals only were averse to peace: that they paid no regard
to the laws either of conference or truce; and had most inhumanly put
to death ignorant persons, who were deceived by a conference: that
therefore, they had met that fate which usually befalls men from
excessive obstinacy and arrogance; and were obliged to have recourse,
and most earnestly desire that which they had shortly before
disdained. That for his part, he would not avail himself of their
present humiliation, or his present advantage, to require terms by
which his power might be increased, but only that those armies, which
they had maintained for so many years to oppose him, should be
disbanded: for six legions had been sent into Spain, and a seventh
raised there, and many and powerful fleets provided, and generals of
great military experience sent to command them, for no other purpose
than to oppose him: that none of these measures were adopted to keep
the Spains in peace, or for the use of the province, which, from the
length of the peace, stood in need of no such aid; that all these
things were long since designed against him; that against him a new
sort of government was established, that the same person should be at
the gates of Rome, to direct the affairs of the city; and though
absent, have the government of two most warlike provinces for so many
years: that against him the laws of the magistrates had been altered;
that the late praetors and consuls should not be sent to govern the
provinces as had been the constant custom, but persons approved of and
chosen by a faction. That against him the excuse of age was not
admitted; but persons of tried experience in former wars were called
up to take the command of the armies: that with respect to him only,
the routine was not observed which had been allowed to all generals,
that, after a successful war, they should return home and disband
their armies, if not with some mark of honor, at least without
disgrace; that he had submitted to all these things patiently, and
would still submit to them; nor did he now desire to take their army
from them and keep it to himself (which, however, would not be a
difficult matter), but only that they should not have it to employ
against him: and therefore, as he said before, let them quit the
provinces, and disband their army. If this was complied with, he would
injure no person; that these were the last and only conditions of
peace."

Chapter 86

It was very acceptable and agreeable to Afranius's soldiers, as might
be easily known from their signs of joy, that they who expected some
injury after this defeat, should obtain without solicitation the
reward of a dismissal. For when a debate was introduced about the
place and time of their dismissal, they all began to express, both by
words and signs, from the rampart where they stood, that they should
be discharged immediately; for although every security might be given,
that they would be disbanded, still the matter would be uncertain, if
it was deferred to a future day. After a short debate on either side,
it was brought to this issue: that those who had any settlement or
possession in Spain, should be immediately discharged: the rest at the
river Var. Caesar gave security that they should receive no damage,
and that no person should be obliged against his inclination to take
the military oath under him.

Chapter 87

Caesar promised to supply them with corn from the present time till
they arrived at the river Var. He further adds, that whatever any of
them lost in the war, which was in the possession of his soldiers,
should be restored to those that lost them. To his soldiers he made a
recompense in money for those things, a just valuation being
made. Whatever disputes Afranius's soldiers had afterward among
themselves, they voluntarily submitted to Caesar's decision. Afranius
and Petreius, when pay was demanded by the legions, a sedition almost
breaking out, asserted that the time had not yet come, and required
that Caesar should take cognizance of it; and both parties were
content with his decision. About a third part of their army being
dismissed in two days, Caesar ordered two of his legions, to go
before, the rest to follow the vanquished enemy; that they should
encamp at a small distance from each other. The execution of this
business he gave in charge to Quintus Fufius Kalenus, one of his
lieutenants. According to his directions, they marched from Spain to
the river Var, and there the rest of the army was disbanded.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

BOOK 2

Chapter 1

While these things were going forward in Spain, Caius Trebonius,
Caesar's lieutenant, who had been left to conduct the assault of
Massilia, began to raise a mound, vineae, and turrets against the
town, on two sides; one of which was next the harbor and docks, the
other on that part where there is a passage from Gaul and Spain to
that sea which forces itself up the mouth of the Rhone. For Massilia
is washed almost on three sides by the sea, the remaining fourth part
is the only side which has access by land. A part even of this space,
which reaches to the fortress, being fortified by the nature of the
country, and a very deep valley, required a long and difficult
siege. To accomplish these works, Caius Trebonius sends for a great
quantity of carriages and men from the whole Province, and orders
hurdles and materials to be furnished. These things being provided, he
raised a mound eighty feet in height.

Chapter 2

But so great a store of every thing necessary for a war had been a
long time before laid up in the town, and so great a number of
engines, that no vineae made of hurdles could withstand their
force. For poles twelve feet in length, pointed with iron, and these
too shot from very large engines, sank into the ground through four
rows of hurdles. Therefore the arches of the vineae were covered over
with beams a foot thick, fastened together, and under this the
materials of the agger were handed from one to another. Before this
was carried a testudo sixty feet long, for leveling the ground, made
also of very strong timber, and covered over with every thing that was
capable of protecting it against the fire and stones thrown by the
enemy. But the greatness of the works, the height of the wall and
towers, and the multitude of engines retarded the progress of our
works. Besides, frequent sallies were made from the town by the
Albici, and fire was thrown on our mound and turrets. These our men
easily repulsed, and, doing considerable damage to those who sallied,
beat them back into the town.

Chapter 3

In the mean time, Lucius Nasidius, being sent by Cneius Pompey with a
fleet of sixteen sail, a few of which had beaks of brass, to the
assistance of Lucius Domitius and the Massilians, passed the straits
of Sicily without the knowledge or expectation of Curio, and, putting
with his fleet into Messana, and making the nobles and senate take
flight with the sudden terror, carried off one of their ships out of
dock. Having joined this to his other ships, he made good his voyage
to Massilia, and having sent in a galley privately, acquaints Domitius
and the Massilians of his arrival, and earnestly encourages them to
hazard another battle with Brutus's fleet with the addition of his
aid.

Chapter 4

The Massilians, since their former loss, had brought the same number
of old ships from the docks, and had repaired and fitted them out with
great industry: they had a large supply of seamen and pilots. They had
got several fishing-smacks, and covered them over, that the seamen
might be secure against darts: these they filled with archers and
engines. With a fleet thus appointed, encouraged by the entreaties and
tears of all the old men, matrons, and virgins to succor the state in
this hour of distress, they went on board with no less spirit and
confidence than they had fought before. For it happens, from a common
infirmity of human nature, that we are more flushed with confidence,
or more vehemently alarmed at things unseen, concealed, and unknown,
as was the case then. For the arrival of Lucius Nasidius had filled
the state with the most sanguine hopes and wishes. Having got a fair
wind, they sailed out of port and went to Nasidius to Taurois, which
is a fort belonging to the Massilians, and there ranged their fleet
and again encouraged each other to engage and communicated their plan
of operation. The command of the right division was given to the
Massilians, that of the left to Nasidius.

Chapter 5

Brutus sailed to the same place with an augmented fleet; for to those
made by Caesar at Arelas were added six ships taken from the
Massilians, which he had refitted since the last battle and had
furnished with every necessary. Accordingly, having encouraged his men
to despise a vanquished people whom they had conquered when yet
unbroken, he advanced against them full of confidence and spirit. From
Trebonius's camp and all the higher grounds it was easy to see into
the town - how all the youth which remained in it, and all persons of
more advanced years, with their wives and children, and the public
guards, were either extending their hands from the wall to the
heavens, or were repairing to the temples of the immortal gods, and
prostrating themselves before their images, were entreating them to
grant them victory. Nor was there a single person who did not imagine
that his future fortune depended on the issue of that day; for the
choice of their youth and the most respectable of every age, being
expressly invited and solicited, had gone on board the fleet, that if
any adverse fate should befall them they might see that nothing was
left for them to attempt, and, if they proved victorious, they might
have hopes of preserving the city, either by their internal resources
or by foreign assistance.

Chapter 6

When the battle was begun, no effort of valor was wanting to the
Massilians, but, mindful of the instructions which they had a little
before received from their friends, they fought with such spirit as if
they supposed that they would never have another opportunity to
attempt a defense, and as if they believed that those whose lives
should be endangered in the battle would not long precede the fate of
the rest of the citizens, who, if the city was taken, must undergo the
same fortune of war. Our ships being at some distance from each other,
room was allowed both for the skill of their pilots and the
maueuvering of their ships; and if at any time ours, gaining an
advantage by casting the iron hooks on board their ships, grappled
with them, from all parts they assisted those who were
distressed. Nor, after being joined by the Albici, did they decline
coming to close engagement, nor were they much inferior to our men in
valor. At the same time, showers of darts, thrown from a distance from
the lesser ships, suddenly inflicted several wounds on our men when
off their guard and otherwise engaged; and two of their three-decked
galleys; having descried the ship of Decimus Brutus, which could be
easily distinguished by its flag, rowed up against him with great
violence from opposite sides: but Brutus, seeing into their designs,
by the swiftness of his ship extricated himself with such address as
to get clear, though only by a moment. From the velocity of their
motion they struck against each other with such violence that they
were both excessively injured by the shock; the beak, indeed, of one
of them being broken off, the whole ship was ready to founder, which
circumstance being observed, the ships of Brutus's fleet, which were
nearest that station, attack them when in this disorder and sink them
both.

Chapter 7

But Nasidius's ships were of no use, and soon left the fight; for the
sight of their country, or the entreaties of their relations, did not
urge them to run a desperate risk of their lives. Therefore, of the
number of the ships not one was lost: of the fleet of the Massilians
five were sunk, four taken, and one ran off with Nasidius: all that
escaped made the best of their way to Hither Spain, but one of the
rest was sent forward to Massilia for the purpose of bearing this
intelligence, and when it came near the city, the whole people crowded
out to hear the tidings, and, on being informed of the event, were so
oppressed with grief, that one would have imagined that the city had
been taken by an enemy at the same moment. The Massilians, however,
began to make the necessary preparations for the defense of their city
with unwearied energy.

Chapter 8

The legionary soldiers who had the management of the works on the
right side, observed, from the frequent sallies of the enemy, that it
might prove a great protection to them to build a turret of brick
under the wall for a fort and place of refuge, which they at first
built low and small, [to guard them] against sudden attacks. To it
they retreated, and from it they made defense if any superior force
attacked them; and from it they sallied out either to repel or pursue
the enemy. It extended thirty feet on every side, and the thickness of
the walls was five feet. But afterward, as experience is the best
master in every thing on which the wit of man is employed, it was
found that it might be of considerable service if it was raised to the
usual height of turrets, which was effected in the following manner.

Chapter 9

When the turret was raised to the height for flooring, they laid it on
the walls in such a manner that the ends of the joists were covered by
the outer face of the wall, that nothing should project to which the
enemy's fire might adhere. They, moreover, built over the joists with
small bricks as high as the protection of the plutei and vineae
permitted them; and on that place they laid two beams across,
angle-ways, at a small distance from the outer walls, to support the
rafters which were to cover the turret, and on the beams they laid
joists across in a direct line, and on these they fastened down
planks. These joists they made somewhat longer, to project beyond the
outside of the wall, that they might serve to hang a curtain on them
to defend and repel all blows while they were building the walls
between that and the next floor, and the floor of this story they
faced with bricks and mortar, that the enemy's fire might do them no
damage; and on this they spread mattresses, lest the weapons thrown
from engines should break through the flooring, or stones from
catapults should batter the brick work. They, moreover, made three
mats of cable ropes, each of them the length of the turret walls, and
four feet broad, and, hanging them round the turret on the three sides
which faced the enemy, fastened them to the projecting joists. For
this was the only sort of defense which, they had learned by
experience in other places, could not be pierced by darts or
engines. But when that part of the turret which was completed was
protected and secured against every attempt of the enemy, they removed
the plutei to other works. They began to suspend gradually, and raise
by screws from the first-floor, the entire roof of the turret, and
then they elevated it as high as the length of the mats allowed. Hid
and secured within these coverings, they built up the walls with
bricks, and again, by another turn of the screw, cleared a place for
themselves to proceed with the building; and, when they thought it
time to lay another floor, they laid the ends of the beams, covered in
by the outer bricks in like manner as in the first story, and from
that story they again raised the uppermost floor and the mat-work. In
this manner, securely and without a blow or danger, they raised it six
stories high, and in laying the materials left loop-holes in such
places as they thought proper for working their engines.

Chapter 10

When they were confident that they could protect the works which lay
around from this turret, they resolved to build a musculus, sixty feet
long, of timber, two feet square, and to extend it from the brick
tower to the enemy's tower and wall. This was the form of it: first,
two beams of equal length were laid on the ground, at the distance of
four feet from each other; and in them were fastened small pillars,
five feet high, which were joined together by braces, with a gentle
slope, on which the timber which they must place to support the roof
of the musculus should be laid: upon this were laid beams, two feet
square, bound with iron plates and nails. To the upper covering of the
musculus and the upper beams, they fastened laths, four fingers
square, to support the tiles which were to cover the musculus. The
roof being thus sloped and laid over in rows in the same manner as the
joists were laid on the braces, the musculus was covered with tiles
and mortar, to secure it against fire, which might be thrown from the
wall. Over the tiles hides are spread, to prevent the water let in on
them by spouts from dissolving the cement of the bricks. Again, the
hides were covered over with mattresses, that they might not be
destroyed by fire or stones. The soldiers under the protection of the
vineae, finish this whole work to the very tower; and suddenly, before
the enemy were aware of it, moved it forward by naval machinery, by
putting rollers under it, close up to the enemy's turret, so that it
even touched the building.

Chapter 11

The townsmen, affrighted at this unexpected stroke, bring forward with
levers the largest stones they can procure, and pitching them from the
wall, roll them down on the musculus. The strength of the timber
withstood the shock; and whatever fell on it slid off, on account of
the sloping roof. When they perceived this, they altered their plan,
and set fire to barrels, filled with resin and tar, and rolled them
down from the wall on the musculus. As soon as they fell on it, they
slid off again, and were removed from its side by long poles and
forks. In the mean time, the soldiers, under cover of the musculus,
were rooting out with crow-bars the lowest stones of the enemy's
turret, with which the foundation was laid. The musculus was defended
by darts, thrown from engines by our men from the brick tower, and the
enemy were beaten off from the wall and turrets; nor was a fair
opportunity of defending the walls given them. At length several
stones being picked away from the foundation of that turret next the
musculus, part of it fell down suddenly, and the rest, as if following
it, leaned forward.

Chapter 12

Hereupon, the enemy distressed at the sudden fall of the turret,
surprised at the unforeseen calamity, awed by the wrath of the gods,
and dreading the pillage of their city, rush all together out of the
gate unarmed, with their temples bound with fillets, and suppliantly
stretch out their hands to the officers and the army. At this uncommon
occurrence, the whole progress of the war was stopped, and the
soldiers, turning away from the battle, ran eagerly to hear and listen
to them. When the enemy came up to the commanders and the army, they
all fell down at their feet, and besought them "to wait till Caesar's
arrival; they saw that their city was taken, our works completed, and
their tower undermined, therefore they desisted from a defense; that
no obstacle could arise, to prevent their being instantly plundered at
a beck, as soon as he arrived, if they refused to submit to his
orders." They inform them that, "if the turret had entirely fallen
down, the soldiers could not be withheld from forcing into the town
and sacking it, in hopes of getting spoil." These and several other
arguments to the same effect were delivered, as they were a people of
great learning, with great pathos and lamentations.

Chapter 13

The lieutenants moved with compassion, draw off the soldiers from the
work, desist from the assault, and leave sentinels on the works. A
sort of truce having been made through compassion for the besieged,
the arrival of Caesar is anxiously awaited; not a dart was thrown from
the walls or by our men, but all remit their care and diligence, as if
the business was at an end. For Caesar had given Trebonius strict
charge not to suffer the town to be taken by storm, lest the soldiers,
too much irritated both by abhorrence of their revolt, by the contempt
shown to them, and by their long labor, should put to the sword all
the grown up inhabitants, as they threatened to do. And it was with
difficulty that they were then restrained from breaking into the town,
and they were much displeased, because they imagined that they were
prevented by Trebonius from taking possession of it.

Chapter 14

But the enemy, destitute of all honor, only waited a time and
opportunity for fraud and treachery. And after an interval of some
days, when our men were careless and negligent, on a sudden, at noon,
when some were dispersed, and others indulging themselves in rest on
the very works, after the fatigue of the day, and their arms were all
laid by and covered up, they sallied out from the gates, and, the wind
being high and favorable to them, they set fire to our works; and the
wind spread it in such a manner that, in the same instant, the agger,
plutei, testudo, tower, and engines all caught the flames and were
consumed before we could conceive how it had occurred. Our men,
alarmed at such an unexpected turn of fortune, lay hold on such arms
as they could find. Some rush from the camp; an attack is made on the
enemy: but they were prevented, by arrows and engines from the walls;
from pursuing them when they fled. They retired to their walls, and
there, without fear, set the musculus and brick tower on fire. Thus,
by the perfidy of the enemy and the violence of the storm, the labor
of many months was destroyed in a moment. The Massilians made the same
attempt the next day, having got such another storm. They sallied out
against the other tower and agger, and fought with more
confidence. But as our men had on the former occasion given up all
thoughts of a contest, so, warned by the event of the preceding day,
they had made every preparation for a defense. Accordingly, they slew
several, and forced the rest to retreat into the town without
effecting their design.

Chapter 15

Trebonius began to provide and repair what had been destroyed, with
much greater zeal on the part of the soldiers; for when they saw that
their extraordinary pains and preparations had an unfortunate issue,
they were fired with indignation that, in consequence of the impious
violation of the truce, their valor should be held in derision. There
was no place left them from which the materials for their mound could
be fetched, in consequence of all the timber, far and wide, in the
territories of the Massilians, having been cut down and carried away;
they began therefore to make an agger of a new construction, never
heard of before, of two walls of brick, each six feet thick, and to
lay floors over them of almost the same breadth with the agger, made
of timber. But wherever the space between the walls, or the weakness
of the timber, seemed to require it, pillars were placed underneath
and traversed beams laid on to strengthen the work, and the space
which was floored was covered over with hurdles, and the hurdles
plastered over with mortar. The soldiers, covered over head by the
floor, on the right and left by the wall, and in the front by the
mantlets, carried whatever materials were necessary for the building
without danger: the business was soon finished - the loss of their
laborious work was soon repaired by the dexterity and fortitude of the
soldiers. Gates for making sallies were left in the wall in such
places as they thought proper.

Chapter 16

But when the enemy perceived that those works, which they had hoped
could not be replaced without a great length of time, were put into so
thorough repair by a few day's labor and diligence, that there was no
room for perfidy or sallies, and that no means were left them by which
they could either hurt the men by resistance or the works by fire, and
when they found by former examples that their town could be surrounded
with a wall and turrets on every part by which it was accessible by
land, in such a manner that they could not have room to stand on their
own fortifications, because our works were built almost on the top of
their walls by our army, and darts could be thrown from our hands, and
when they perceived that all advantage arising from their engines, on
which they had built great hopes, was totally lost, and that though
they had an opportunity of fighting with us on equal terms from walls
and turrets, they could perceive that they were not equal to our men
in bravery, they had recourse to the same proposals of surrender as
before.

Chapter 17

In Further Spain, Marcus Varro, in the beginning of the disturbances,
when he heard of the circumstances which took place in Italy, being
diffident of Pompey's success, used to speak in a very friendly manner
of Caesar. That though, being pre-engaged to Cneius Pompey in quality
of lieutenant, he was bound in honor to him, that, nevertheless, there
existed a very intimate tie between him and Caesar; that he was not
ignorant of what was the duty of a lieutenant, who bore an office of
trust; nor of his own strength, nor of the disposition of the whole
province to Caesar. These sentiments he constantly expressed in his
ordinary conversation, and did not attach himself to either party. But
afterward, when he found that Caesar was detained before Massilia,
that the forces of Petreius had effected a junction with the army of
Afranius, that considerable reinforcements had come to their
assistance, that there were great hopes and expectations, and heard
that the whole Hither province had entered into a confederacy, and of
the difficulties to which Caesar was reduced afterward at Ilerda for
want of provisions, and Afranius wrote to him a fuller and more
exaggerated account of these matters, he began to regulate his
movements by those of fortune.

Chapter 18

He made levies throughout the province; and, having completed his two
legions, he added to them about thirty auxiliary cohorts; he collected
a large quantity of corn to send partly to the Masilians, partly to
Afranius and Petreius. He commanded the inhabitants of Gades to build
ten ships of war; besides, he took care that several others should be
built in Spain. He removed all the money and ornaments from the temple
of Hercules to the town of Gades, and sent six cohorts thither from
the province to guard them, and gave the command of the town of Gades
to Caius Gallonius, a Roman knight, and friend of Domitius, who had
come thither sent by Domitius to recover an estate for him; and he
deposited all the arms, both public and private, in Gallonius's
house. He himself [Varro] made severe harangues against Caesar. He
often pronounced from his tribunal that Caesar had fought several
unsuccessful battles, and that a great number of his men had deserted
to Afranius. That he had these accounts from undoubted messengers, and
authority on which he could rely. By these means he terrified the
Roman citizens of that province, and obliged them to promise him for
the service of the state one hundred and ninety thousand sesterces,
twenty thousand pounds weight of silver, and a hundred and twenty
thousand bushels of wheat. He laid heavier burdens on those states
which he thought were friendly disposed to Caesar, and billeted troops
on them; he passed judgment against some private persons, and
condemned to confiscation the properties of those who had spoken or
made orations against the republic, and forced the whole province to
take an oath of allegiance to him and Pompey. Being informed of all
that happened in Hither Spain, he prepared for war. This was his plan
of operations. He was to retire with his two legions to Gades, and to
lay up all the shipping and provisions there. For he had been informed
that the whole province was inclined to favor Caesar's party. He
thought that the war might be easily protracted in an island, if he
was provided with corn and shipping. Caesar, although called back to
Italy by many and important matters, yet had determined to leave no
dregs of war behind him in Spain, because he knew that Pompey had many
dependents and clients in the hither province.

Chapter 19

Having therefore sent two legions into Further Spain under the command
of Quintus Cassius, tribune of the people; he himself advances with
six hundred horse by forced marches, and issues a proclamation,
appointing a day on which the magistrates and nobility of all the
states should attend him at Corduba. This proclamation being published
through the whole province, there was not a state that did not send a
part of their senate to Corduba, at the appointed time; and not a
Roman citizen of any note but appeared that day. At the same time the
senate at Corduba shut the gates of their own accord against Varro,
and posted guards and sentinels on the wall and in the turrets, and
detained two cohorts (called Colonicae, which had come there
accidentally), for the defense of the town. About the same time the
people of Carmona, which is by far the strongest state in the whole
province, of themselves drove out of the town the cohorts, and shut
the gates against them, although three cohorts had been detached by
Varro to garrison the citadel.

Chapter 20

But Varro was in greater haste on this account to reach Gades with his
legion as soon as possible, lest he should be stopped either on his
march or on crossing over to the island. The affection of the province
to Caesar proved so great and so favorable, that he received a letter
from Gades, before he was far advanced on his march: that as soon as
the nobility of Gades heard of Caesar's proclamation, they had
combined with the tribune of the cohorts, which were in garrison
there, to drive Gallonius out of the town, and to secure the city and
island for Caesar. That having agreed on the design they had sent
notice to Gallonius, to quit Gades of his own accord while he could do
it with safety; if he did not, they would take measures for
themselves; that for fear of this Gallonius had been induced to quit
the town. When this was known, one of Varro's two legions, which was
called Vernacula, carried off the colors from Varro's camp, he himself
standing by and looking on, and retired to Hispalis, and took post in
the market and public places without doing any injury, and the Roman
citizens residing there approved so highly of this act, that every one
most earnestly offered to entertain them in their houses. When Varro,
terrified at these things, having altered his route, proposed going to
Italica, he was informed by his friends that the gates were shut
against him. Then indeed, when intercepted from every road, he sends
word to Caesar, that he was ready to deliver up the legion which he
commanded. He sends to him Sextus Caesar, and orders him to deliver it
up to him. Varro, having delivered up the legion, went to Caesar to
Corduba, and having laid before him the public accounts, handed over
to him most faithfully whatever money he had, and told him what
quantity of corn and shipping he had, and where.

Chapter 21

Caesar made a public oration at Corduba, in which he returned thanks
to all severally: to the Roman citizens, because they had been zealous
to keep the town in their own power; to the Spaniards, for having
driven out the garrison; to the Gaditani, for having defeated the
attempts of his enemies, and asserted their own liberty; to the
Tribunes and Centurions who had gone there as a guard, for having by
their valor confirmed them in their purpose. He remitted the tax which
the Roman citizens had promised to Varro for the public use: he
restored their goods to those who he was informed had incurred that
penalty by speaking too freely, having given public and private
rewards to some he filled the rest with flattering hopes of his future
intentions; and having staid two days at Corduba, he set out for
Gades; he ordered the money and ornaments which had been carried away
from the temple of Hercules, and lodged in the houses of private
persons, to be replaced in the temple. He made Quintus Cassius
governor of the province, and assigned him four legions. He himself,
with those ships which Marcus Varro had built, and others which the
Gaditani had built by Varro's orders, arrived in a few days at
Tarraco, where embassadors from the greatest part of the nearer
province waited his arrival. Having in the same manner conferred marks
of honor both publicly and privately on some states, he left Tarraco,
and went thence by land to Narbo, and thence to Massilia. There he was
informed that a law was passed for creating a dictator, and that he
had been nominated dictator by Marcus Lepidus the praetor.

Chapter 22

The Massilians, wearied out by misfortunes of every sort, reduced to
the lowest ebb for want of corn, conquered in two engagements at sea,
defeated in their frequent sallies, and struggling moreover with a
fatal pestilence, from their long confinement and change of victuals
(for they all subsisted on old millet and damaged barley, which they
had formerly provided and laid up in the public stores against an
emergency of this kind), their turret being demolished, a great part
of their wall having given way, and despairing of any aid, either from
the provinces or their armies, for these they had heard had fallen
into Caesar's power, resolved to surrender now without
dissimulation. But a few days before, Lucius Domitius, having
discovered the intention of the Massilians, and having procured three
ships, two of which he gave up to his friends, went on board the third
himself, having got a brisk wind, put out to sea. Some ships, which by
Brutus's orders were constantly cruising near the port, having espied
him, weighed anchor, and pursued him. But of these, the ship on board
of which he was, persevered itself, and continuing its flight, and by
the aid of the wind got out of sight: the other two, affrighted by the
approach of our galleys put back again into the harbor. The Massilians
conveyed their arms and engines out of the town, as they were ordered:
brought their ships out of the port and docks, and delivered up the
money in their treasury. When these affairs were dispatched, Caesar,
sparing the town more out of regard to their renown and antiquity than
to any claim they could lay to his favor, left two legions in garrison
there, sent the rest to Italy, and set out himself for Rome.

Chapter 23

About the same time Caius Curio, having sailed from Sicily to Africa,
and from the first despising the forces of Publius Attius Varus,
transported only two of the four legions which he had received from
Caesar, and five hundred horse, and having spent two days and three
nights on the voyage, arrived at a place called Aquilaria, which is
about twenty-two miles distant from Clupea, and in the summer season
has a convenient harbor, and is inclosed by two projecting
promontories. Lucius Caesar the son, who was waiting his arrival near
Clupea with ten ships which had been taken near Utica in a war with
the pirates, and which Publius Attius had had repaired for this war,
frightened at the number of our ships, fled the sea, and running his
three-decked covered galley on the nearest shore, left her there and
made his escape by land to Adrumetum. Caius Considius Longus, with a
garrison of one legion, guarded this town. The rest of Caesar's fleet,
after his flight, retired to Adrumetum. Marcus Rufus, the quaestor,
pursued him with twelve ships, which Curio had brought from Sicily as
convoy to the merchantmen, and seeing a ship left on the shore, he
brought her off by a towing rope, and returned with his fleet to
Curio.

Chapter 24

Curio detached Marcus before with the fleet to Utica, and marched
thither with his army. Having advanced two days, he came to the river
Bagrada, and there left Caius Caninius Rebilus, the lieutenant, with
the legions; and went forward himself with the horse to view the
Cornelian camp, because that was reckoned a very eligible position for
encamping. It is a straight ridge, projecting into the sea, steep and
rough on both sides, but the ascent is more gentle on that part which
lies opposite Utica. It is not more than a mile distant from Utica in
a direct line. But on this road there is a spring, to which the sea
comes up, and overflows; an extensive morass is thereby formed; and if
a person would avoid it, he must make a circuit of six miles to reach
the town.

Chapter 25

Having examined this place, Curio got a view of Varus's camp, joining
the wall and town, at the gate called Bellica, well fortified by its
natural situation, on one side by the town itself, on the other by a
theater which is before the town, the approaches to the town being
rendered difficult and narrow by the very extensive out-buildings of
that structure. At the same time he observed the roads very full of
carriages and cattle, which they were conveying from the country into
the town on the sudden alarm. He sent his cavalry after them to
plunder them and get the spoil. And at the same time Varus had
detached as a guard for them six hundred Numidian horse, and four
hundred foot, which king Juba had sent to Utica as auxiliaries a few
days before. There was a friendship subsisting between his [Juba's]
father and Pompey, and a feud between him and Curio, because he, when
a tribune of the people, had proposed a law, in which he endeavored to
make public property of the kingdom of Juba. The horse engaged; but
the Numidians were not able to stand our first charge; but a hundred
and twenty being killed, the rest retreated into their camp near the
town. In the mean time, on the arrival of his men of war, Curio
ordered proclamation to be made to the merchant ships, which lay at
anchor before Utica, in number about two hundred, that he would treat
as enemies all that did not set sail immediately for the Cornelian
camp. As soon as the proclamation was made, in an instant they all
weighed anchor and left Utica, and repaired to the place commanded
them. This circumstance furnished the army with plenty of every thing.

Chapter 26

After these transactions, Curio returned to his camp to Bragada; and
by a general shout of the whole army was saluted imperator. The next
day he led his army to Utica, and encamped near the town. Before the
works of the camp were finished, the horse upon guard brought him word
that a large supply of horse and foot sent by king Juba were on their
march to Utica, and at the same time a cloud of dust was observed, and
in a moment the front of the line was in sight. Curio, surprised at
the suddenness of the affair, sent on the horse to receive their first
charge, and detain them. He immediately called off his legions from
the work, and put them in battle array. The horse began the battle:
and before the legions could be completely marshaled and take their
ground, the king's entire forces being thrown into disorder and
confusion, because they had marched without any order, and were under
no apprehensions, betake themselves to flight: almost all the enemy's
horse being safe, because they made a speedy retreat into the town
along the shore, Caesar's soldiers slay a great number of their
infantry.

Chapter 27

The next night two Marsian centurions with twenty-two men belonging to
the companies, deserted from Curio's camp to Attius Varus. They,
whether they uttered the sentiments which they really entertained, or
wished to gratify Varus (for what we wish we readily give credit to,
and what we think ourselves, we hope is the opinion of other men),
assured him, that the minds of the whole army were disaffected to
Curio, that it was very expedient that the armies should be brought in
view of each other, and an opportunity of a conference be
given. Induced by their opinion, Varus the next day led his troops out
of the camp: Curio did so in like manner, and with only one small
valley between them, each drew up his forces.

Chapter 28

In Varus's army there was one Sextus Quintilius Varus who, as we have
mentioned before, was at Corfinium. When Caesar gave him his liberty,
he went over to Africa; now, Curio had transported to Africa those
legions which Caesar had received under his command a short time
before at Corfinium; so that the officers and companies were still the
same, excepting the change of a few centurions. Quintilius, making
this a pretext for addressing them, began to go round Curio's lines,
and to entreat the soldiers "not to lose all recollection of the oath
which they took first to Domitius and to him their quaestor, nor bear
arms against those who had shared the same fortune, and endured the
same hardships in a siege, nor fight for those by whom they had been
opprobriously called deserters." To this he added a few words by way
of encouragement, what they might expect from his own liberality, if
they should follow him and Attius. On the delivery of this speech, no
intimation of their future conduct is given by Curio's army, and thus
both generals led back their troops to their camp.

Chapter 29

However, a great and general fear spread through Curio's camp, for it
is soon increased by the various discourses of men. For every one
formed an opinion of his own; and to what he had heard from others,
added his own apprehensions. When this had spread from a single author
to several persons, and was handed from one another, there appeared to
be many authors for such sentiments as these: "That it was a civil
war; that they were men; and therefore that it was lawful for them to
act freely, and follow which party they pleased." These were the
legions which a short time before had belonged to the enemy; for the
custom of offering free towns to those who joined the opposite party
had changed Caesar's kindness. For the harshest expressions of the
soldiers in general did not proceed from the Marsi and Peligni, as
those which passed in the tents the night before; and some of their
fellow soldiers heard them with displeasure. Some additions were also
made to them by those who wished to be thought more zealous in their
duty.

Chapter 30

For these reasons, having called a council, Curio began to deliberate
on the general welfare. There were some opinions, which advised by all
means an attempt to be made, and an attack on Varus's camp; for when
such sentiments prevailed among the soldiers, they thought idleness
was improper. In short, they said "that it was better bravely to try
the hazard of war in a battle, than to be deserted and surrounded by
their own troops, and forced to submit to the greatest cruelties."
There were some who gave their opinion, that they ought to withdraw at
the third watch to the Cornelian camp; that by a longer interval of
time the soldiers might be brought to a proper way of thinking; and
also, that if any misfortune should befall them, they might have a
safer and readier retreat to Sicily, from the great number of their
ships.

Chapter 31

Curio, censuring both measures, said, "that the one was as deficient
in spirit, as the other exceeded in it: that the latter advised a
shameful flight, and the former recommended us to engage at a great
disadvantage. For on what, says he, can we rely that we can storm a
camp, fortified both by nature and art? Or, indeed, what advantage do
we gain if we give over the assault, after having suffered
considerable loss; as if success did not acquire for a general the
affection of his army, and misfortune their hatred? But what does a
change of camp imply but a shameful flight and universal despair, and
the alienation of the army? For neither ought the obedient to suspect
that they are distrusted, nor the insolent to know that we fear them;
because our fears augment the licentiousness of the latter, and
diminish the zeal of the former. But if, says he, we were convinced of
the truth of the reports of the disaffection of the army (which I
indeed am confident are either altogether groundless, or at least less
than they are supposed to be), how much better to conceal and hide our
suspicions of it, than by our conduct confirm it? Ought not the
defects of an army to be as carefully concealed as the wounds in our
bodies, lest we should increase the enemy's hopes? but they moreover
advise us to set out at midnight, in order, I suppose, that those who
attempt to do wrong may have a fairer opportunity; for conduct of this
kind is restrained either by shame or fear, to the display of which
the night is most averse. Wherefore, I am neither so rash as to give
my opinion that we ought to attack their camp without hopes of
succeeding; nor so influenced by fear as to despond: and I imagine
that every expedient ought first to be tried; and I am in a great
degree confident that I shall form the same opinions as yourselves on
this matter."

Chapter 32

Having broken up the council, he called the soldiers together, and
reminded them "what advantage Caesar had derived from their zeal at
Corfinium; how by their good offices and influence he had brought over
a great part of Italy to his interest. For, says he, all the municipal
towns afterward imitated you and your conduct; nor was it without
reason that Caesar judged so favorably, and the enemy so harshly of
you. For Pompey, though beaten in no engagement, yet was obliged to
shift his ground, and leave Italy, from the precedent established by
your conduct. Caesar commited me, whom he considered his dearest
friend, and the provinces of Sicily and Africa, without which he was
not able to protect Rome or Italy, to your protection. There are some
here present who encourage you to revolt from us; for what can they
wish for more, than at once to ruin us, and to involve you in a
heinous crime? or what baser opinions could they in their resentment
entertain of you, than that you would betray those who acknowledged
themselves indebted to you for every thing, and put yourselves in the
power of those who think they have been ruined by you? Have you not
heard of Caesar's exploits in Spain? that he routed two armies,
conquered two generals, recovered two provinces, and effected all this
within forty days after he came in sight of the enemy? Can those who
were not able to stand against him while they were uninjured, resist
him when they are ruined? Will you, who took part with Caesar while
victory was uncertain, take part with the conquered enemy when the
fortune of the war is decided, and when you ought to reap the reward
of your services? For they say that they have been deserted and
betrayed by you, and remind you of a former oath. But did you desert
Lucius Domitius, or did Lucius Domitius desert you? Did he not, when
you were ready to submit to the greatest difficulties, cast you off?
Did he not, without your privacy, endeavor to effect his own escape?
When you were betrayed by him, were you not preserved by Caesar's
generosity? And how could he think you bound by your oath to him,
when, after having thrown up the ensigns of power, and abdicated his
government, he became a private person, and a captive in another's
power? A new obligation is left upon you, that you should disregard
the oath, by which you are at present bound; and have respect only to
that which was invalidated by the surrender of your general, and his
diminution of rank. But I suppose, although you are pleased with
Caesar, you are offended with me; however, I shall not boast of my
services to you, which still are inferior to my own wishes or your
expectations. But, however, soldiers have ever looked for the rewards
of labor at the conclusion of a war; and what the issue of it is
likely to be, not even you can doubt. But why should I omit to mention
my own diligence and good fortune, and to what a happy crisis affairs
are now arrived? Are you sorry that I transported the army safe and
entire, without the loss of a single ship? That on my arrival, in the
very first attack, I routed the enemy's fleet? That twice in two days
I defeated the enemy's horse? That I carried out of the very harbor
and bay two hundred of the enemy's victualers, and reduced them to
that situation that they can receive no supplies either by land or
sea? Will you divorce yourselves from this fortune and these generals;
and prefer the disgrace of Corfinium, the defeat of Italy, the
surrender of both Spains, and the prestige of the African war? I, for
my part, wished to be called a soldier of Caesar's; you honored me
with the title of Imperator. If you repent your bounty, I give it back
to you; restore to me my former name that you may not appear to have
conferred the honor on me as a reproach."

Chapter 33

The soldiers, being affected by this oration, frequently attempted to
interrupt him while he was speaking, so that they appeared to bear
with excessive anguish the suspicion of treachery, and when he was
leaving the assembly they unanimously besought him to be of good
spirits, and not hesitate to engage the enemy and put their fidelity
and courage to a trial. As the wishes and opinions of all were changed
by this act, Curio, with the general consent, determined, whenever
opportunity offered, to hazard a battle. The next day he led out his
forces and ranged them in order of battle on the same ground where
they had been posted the preceding day; nor did Attius Varus hesitate
to draw out his men, that, if any occasion should offer, either to
tamper with our men or to engage on equal terms he might not miss the
opportunity.

Chapter 34

There lay between the two armies a valley, as already mentioned, not
very deep, but of a difficult and steep ascent. Each was waiting till
the enemy's forces should attempt to pass it, that they might engage
with the advantage of the ground. At the same time on the left wing,
the entire cavalry of Publius Attius, and several light-armed infantry
intermixed with them, were perceived descending into the
valley. Against them Curio detached his cavalry and two cohorts of the
Marrucini, whose first charge the enemy's horse were unable to stand,
but, setting spurs to their horses, fled back to their friends: the
light-infantry being deserted by those who had come out along with
them, were surrounded and cut to pieces by our men. Varus's whole
army, facing that way, saw their men flee and cut down. Upon which
Rebilus, one of Caesar's lieutenants, whom Curio had brought with him
from Sicily knowing that he had great experience in military matters,
cried out, "You see the enemy are daunted, Curio! why do you hesitate
to take advantage of the opportunity?" Curio, having merely "expressed
this, that the soldiers should keep in mind the professions which they
had made to him the day before," then ordered them to follow him, and
ran far before them all. The valley was so difficult of assent that
the foremost men could not struggle up it unless assisted by those
behind. But the minds of Attius's soldiers being prepossessed with
fear and the flight and slaughter of their men, never thought of
opposing us; and they all imagined that they were already surrounded
by our horse, and, therefore, before a dart could be thrown, or our
men come near them, Varus's whole army turned their backs and
retreated to their camp.

Chapter 35

In this flight one Fabius, a Pelignian common soldier in Curio's army,
pursuing the enemy's rear, with a loud voice shouted to Varus by his
name, and often called him, so that he seemed to be one of his
soldiers, who wished to speak to him and give him advice. When Varus,
after been repeatedly called, stopped and looked at him, and inquired
who he was and what he wanted, he made a blow with his sword at his
naked shoulder and was very near killing Varus, but he escaped the
danger by raising his shield to ward off the blow. Fabius was
surrounded by the soldiers near him and cut to pieces; and by the
multitude and crowds of those that fled, the gates of the camps were
thronged and the passage stopped, and a greater number perished in
that place without a stroke than in the battle and flight. Nor were we
far from driving them from this camp; and some of them ran straightway
to the town without halting. But both the nature of the ground and the
strength of the fortifications prevented our access to the camp; for
Curio's soldiers, marching out to battle, were without those things
which were requisite for storming a camp. Curio, therefore, led his
army back to the camp, with all his troops safe except Fabius. Of the
enemy about six hundred were killed and a thousand wounded, all of
whom, after Curio's return, and several more, under pretext of their
wounds, but in fact through fear, withdrew from the camp into the
town, which Varus perceiving and knowing the terror of his army,
leaving a trumpeter in his camp and a few tents for show, at the third
watch led back his army quietly into the town.

Chapter 36

The next day Curio resolved to besiege Utica, and to draw lines about
it. In the town there was a multitude of people, ignorant of war,
owing to the length of the peace; some of them Uticans, very well
inclined to Caesar, for his favors to them; the Roman population was
composed of persons differing widely in their sentiments. The terror
occasioned by former battles was very great; and therefore, they
openly talked of surrendering, and argued with Attius that he should
not suffer the fortune of them all to be ruined by his
obstinacy. While these things were in agitation, couriers, who had
been sent forward, arrived from king Juba, with the intelligence that
he was on his march, with considerable forces, and encouraged them to
protect and defend their city, a circumstance which greatly comforted
their desponding hearts.

Chapter 37

The same intelligence was brought to Curio; but for some time he could
not give credit to it, because he had so great confidence in his own
good fortune. And at this time Caesar's success in Spain was announced
in Africa by messages and letters. Being elated by all these things,
he imagined that the king would not dare to attempt any thing against
him. But when he found out, from undoubted authority, that his forces
were less than twenty miles distant from Utica, abandoning his works,
he retired to the Cornelian camp. Here he began to lay in corn and
wood, and to fortify his camp, and immediately dispatched orders to
Sicily, that his two legions and the remainder of his cavalry should
be sent to him. His camp was well adapted for protracting a war, from
the nature and strength of the situation, from its proximity to the
sea, and the abundance of water and salt, of which a great quantity
had been stored up from the neighboring salt-pits. Timber could not
fail him from the number of trees, nor corn, with which the lands
abounded. Wherefore, with the general consent, Curio determined to
wait for the rest of his forces, and protract the war.

Chapter 38

This plan being settled, and his conduct approved of, he is informed
by some deserters from the town that Juba had staid behind in his own
kingdom, being called home by a neighboring war, and a dispute with
the people of Leptis; and that Sabura, his commander-in-chief, who had
been sent with a small force, was drawing near to Utica. Curio rashly
believing this information, altered his design, and resolved to hazard
a battle. His youth, his spirits, his former good fortune and
confidence of success, contributed much to confirm this
resolution. Induced by these motives, early in the night he sent all
his cavalry to the enemy's camp near the river Bagrada, of which
Sabura, of whom we have already spoken, was the commander. But the
king was coming after them with all his forces, and was posted at a
distance of six miles behind Sabura. The horse that were sent perform
their march that night, and attack the enemy unawares and
unexpectedly; for the Numidians, after the usual barbarous custom,
encamped here and there without any regularity. The cavalry having
attacked them, when sunk in sleep and dispersed, killed a great number
of them; many were frightened and ran away. After which the horse
returned to Curio, and brought some, prisoners with them.

Chapter 39

Curio had set out at the fourth watch with all his forces, except five
cohorts which he left to guard the camp. Having advanced six miles, he
met the horse, heard what had happened and inquired from the captives
who commanded the camp at Bagrada. They replied Sabura. Through
eagerness to perform his journey, he neglected to make further
inquiries, but looking back to the company next him, "Don't you see,
soldiers," says he, "that the answer of the prisoners corresponds with
the account of the deserters, that the king is not with him, and that
he sent only a small force which was not able to withstand a few
horse? Hasten then to spoil, to glory; that we may now begin to think
of rewarding you, and returning you thanks." The achievements of the
horse were great in themselves, especially if their small number be
compared with the vast host of Numidians. However, the account was
enlarged by themselves, as men are naturally inclined to boast of
their own merit. Besides, many spoils were produced; the men and
horses that were taken were brought into their sight, that they might
imagine that every moment of time which intervened was a delay to
their conquest. By this means the hope of Curio were seconded by the
ardor of the soldiers. He ordered the horse to follow him, and
hastened his march, that he might attack them as soon as possible,
while in consternation after their flight. But the horse, fatigued by
the expedition of the preceding night, were not able to keep up with
him, but fell behind in different places. Even this did not abate
Curio's hopes.

Chapter 40

Juba, being informed by Sabura of the battle in the night, sent to his
relief two thousand Spanish and Gallic horse, which he was accustomed
to keep near him to guard his person, and that part of his infantry on
which he had the greatest dependence, and he himself followed slowly
after with the rest of his forces and forty elephants, suspecting that
as Curio had sent his horse before, he himself would follow
them. Sabura drew up his army, both horse and foot, and commanded them
to give way gradually and retreat through the pretense of fear; that
when it was necessary he would give them the signal for battle, and
such orders as he found circumstances required. Curio, as his idea of
their present behavior was calculated to confirm his former hopes,
imagined that the enemy were running away, and led his army from the
rising grounds down to the plain.

Chapter 41

And when he had advanced from this place about sixteen miles, his army
being exhausted with the fatigue, he halted. Sabura gave his men the
signal, marshaled his army, and began to go around his ranks and
encourage them. But he made use of the foot only for show; and sent
the horse to the charge: Curio was not deficient in skill, and
encouraged his men to rest all their hopes in their valor. Neither
were the soldiers, though wearied, nor the horse, though few and
exhausted with fatigue, deficient in ardor to engage, and courage: but
the latter were in number but two hundred: the rest had dropped behind
on the march. Wherever they charged they forced the enemy to give
ground, but they were not able to pursue them far when they fled, or
to press their horses too severely. Besides, the enemy's cavalry began
to surround us on both wings and to trample down our rear. When any
cohorts ran forward out of the line, the Numidians, being fresh, by
their speed avoided our charge, and surrounded ours when they
attempted to return to their post, and cut them off from the main
body. So that it did not appear safe either to keep their ground and
maintain their ranks, or to issue from the line, and run the risk. The
enemy's troops were frequently reinforced by assistance sent from
Juba; strength began to fail our men through fatigue; and those who
had been wounded could neither quit the field nor retire to a place of
safety, because the whole field was surrounded by the enemy's
cavalry. Therefore, despairing of their own safety, as men usually do
in the last moment of their lives, they either lamented their unhappy
deaths, or recommended their parents to the survivors, if fortune
should save any from the impending danger. All were full of fear and
grief.

Chapter 42

When Curio perceived that in the general consternation neither his
exhortations nor entreaties were attended to, imagining that the only
hope of escaping in their deplorable situation was to gain the nearest
hills, he ordered the colors to be borne that way. But a party of
horse, that had been sent by Sabura, had already got possession of
them. Now indeed our men were reduced to extreme despair: and some of
them were killed by the cavalry in attempting to escape: some fell to
the ground unhurt. Cneius Domitius, commander of the cavalry, standing
round Curio with a small party of horse, urged Curio to endeavor to
escape by flight, and to hasten to his camp; and assured him that he
would not forsake him. But Curio declared that he would never more
appear in Caesar's sight, after losing the army which had been
committed by Caesar, to his charge, and accordingly fought till he was
killed. Very few of the horse escaped from that battle, but those who
had staid behind to refresh their horses having perceived at a
distance the defeat of the whole army, retired in safety to their
camp.

Chapter 43

The soldiers were all killed to a man. Marcus Rufus, the quaestor, who
was left behind in the camp by Curio, having got intelligence of these
things, encouraged his men not to be disheartened. They beg and
entreat to be transported to Sicily. He consented, and ordered the
masters of the ships to have all the boats brought close to the shore
early in the evening. But so great was the terror in general, that
some said that Juba's forces were marching up, others that Varus was
hastening with his legions, and that they already saw the dust raised
by their coming; of which not one circumstance had happened: others
suspected that the enemy's fleet would immediately be upon
them. Therefore in the general consternation, every man consulted his
own safety. Those who were on board of the fleet, were in a hurry to
set sail, and their flight hastened the masters of the ships of
burden. A few small fishing boats attended their duty and his
orders. But as the shores were crowded, so great was the struggle to
determine who of such a vast number should first get on board, that
some of the vessels sank with the weight of the multitude, and the
fears of the rest delayed them from coming to the shore.

Chapter 44

From which circumstances it happened that a few foot and aged men,
that could prevail either through interest or pity, or who were able
to swim to the ships, were taken on board, and landed safe in
Sicily. The rest of the troops sent their centurions as deputies to
Varus at night, and surrendered themselves to him. But Juba the next
day having spied their cohorts before the town, claimed them as his
booty, and ordered great part of them to be put to the sword; a few he
selected and sent home to his own realm. Although Varus complained
that his honor was insulted by Juba, yet he dare not oppose him: Juba
rode on horseback into the town, attended by several senators, among
whom were Servius Sulpicius and Licinius Damasippus, and in a few days
arranged and ordered what he would have done in Utica, and in a few
days more returned to his own kingdom, with all his forces.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

BOOK 3

Chapter 1

Julius Caesar, holding the election as dictator, was himself appointed
consul with Publius Servilius; for this was the year in which it was
permitted by the laws that he should be chosen consul. This business
being ended, as credit was beginning to fail in Italy, and the debts
could not be paid, he determined that arbitrators should be appointed:
and that they should make an estimate of the possessions and
properties [of the debtors], how much they were worth before the war,
and that they should be handed over in payment to the creditors. This
he thought the most likely method to remove and abate the apprehension
of an abolition of debt, the usual consequence of civil wars and
dissensions, and to support the credit of the debtors. He likewise
restored to their former condition (the praetors and tribunes, first
submitting the question to the people) some persons condemned for
bribery at the elections, by virtue of Pompey's law, at the time when
Pompey kept his legions quartered in the city (these trials were
finished in a single day, one judge hearing the merits, and another
pronouncing the sentences), because they had offered their service to
him in the beginning of the civil war, if he chose to accept them;
setting the same value on them as if he had accepted them, because
they had put themselves in his power. For he had determined that they
ought to be restored rather by the judgment of the people than appear
admitted to it by his bounty: that he might neither appear ungrateful
in repaying an obligation, nor arrogant in depriving the people of
their prerogative of exercising this bounty.

Chapter 2

In accomplishing these things, and celebrating the Latin festival, and
holding all the elections, he spent eleven days; and having resigned
the dictatorship, set out from the city, and went to Brundusium, where
he had ordered twelve legions and all his cavalry to meet him. But he
scarcely found as many ships as would be sufficient to transport
fifteen thousand legionary soldiers and five hundred horse. This [the
scarcity of shipping] was the only thing that prevented Caesar from
putting a speedy conclusion to the war. And even these troops embarked
very short of their number, because several had fallen in so many wars
in Gaul, and the long march from Spain had lessened their number very
much, and a severe autumn in Apulia and the district about Brundusium,
after the very wholesome countries of Spain and Gaul, had impaired the
health of the whole army.

Chapter 3

Pompey having got a year's respite to provide forces, during which he
was not engaged in war, nor employed by an enemy, had collected a
numerous fleet from Asia, and the Cyclades, from Corcyra, Athens,
Pontus, Bithynia, Syria, Cilicia, Phoenicia, and Egypt, and had given
directions that a great number should be built in every other
place. He had exacted a large sum of money from Asia, Syria, and all
the kings, dynasts, tetrarchs, and free states of Achaia; and had
obliged the corporations of those provinces, of which he himself had
the government, to count down to him a large sum.

Chapter 4

He had made up nine legions of Roman citizens; five from Italy, which
he had brought with him; one veteran legion from Sicily, which being
composed of two he called the Gemella; one from Crete and Macedonia,
of veterans who had been discharged by their former generals and had
settled in those provinces; two from Asia, which had been levied by
the activity of Lentulus. Besides, he had distributed among his
legions a considerable number, by way of recruits, from Thessaly,
Boeotia, Achaia, and Epirus: with his legions he also intermixed the
soldiers taken from Caius Antonius. Besides these, he expected two
legions from Syria, with Scipio; from Crete, Lacedaemon, Pontus,
Syria, and other states, he got about three thousand archers, six
cohorts of slingers, two thousand mercenary soldiers, and seven
thousand horse; six hundred of which, Deiotarus had brought from Gaul;
Ariobarzanes, five hundred from Cappadocia. Cotus had given him about
the same number from Thrace, and had sent his son Sadalis with
them. From Macedonia there were two hundred, of extraordinary valor,
commanded by Rascipolis; five hundred Gauls and Germans; Gabinius's
troops from Alexandria, whom Aulus Gabinius had left with king
Ptolemy, to guard his person. Pompey, the son, had brought in his
fleet eight hundred, whom he had raised among his own and his
shepherds' slaves. Tarcundarius, Castor and Donilaus, had given three
hundred from Gallograecia: one of these came himself, the other sent
his son. Two hundred were sent from Syria by Comagenus Antiochus, whom
Pompey rewarded amply. The most of them were archers. To these were
added Dardanians and Bessians, some of them mercenaries; others
procured by power and influence: also, Macedonians, Thessalians, and
troops from other nations and states, which completed the number which
we mentioned before.

Chapter 5

He had laid in vast quantities of corn from Thessaly, Asia, Egypt,
Crete, Cyrene, and other countries. He had resolved to fix his winter
quarters at Dyrrachium, Apollonia, and the other seaports, to hinder
Caesar from passing the sea: and for this purpose had stationed his
fleet along the sea-coast. The Egyptian fleet was commanded by Pompey,
the son: the Asiatic, by Decimus Laelius, and Caius Triarius: the
Syrian, by Caius Cassius: the Rhodian, by Caius Marcellus, in
conjunction with Caius Coponius: and the Liburnian and Achaian, by
Scribonius Libo, and Marcus Octavius. But Marcus Bibulus was appointed
commander-in-chief of the whole maritime department, and regulated
every matter. The chief direction rested upon him.

Chapter 6

When Caesar came to Brundusium, he made a speech to the soldiers:
"That since they were now almost arrived at the termination of their
toils and dangers, they should patiently submit to leave their slaves
and baggage in Italy, and to embark without luggage, that a greater
number of men might be put on board: that they might expect every
thing from victory and his liberality." They cried out with one voice,
"he might give what orders he pleased, that they would cheerfully
fulfill them." He accordingly set sail the fourth day of January, with
seven legions on board, as already remarked. The next day he reached
land, between the Ceraunian rocks and other dangerous places; meeting
with a safe road for his shipping to ride in, and dreading all other
ports which he imagined were in possession of the enemy, he landed his
men at a place called Pharsalus, without the loss of a single vessel.

Chapter 7

Lucretius Vespillo and Minutius Rufus were at Oricum, with eighteen
Asiatic ships, which were given into their charge by the orders of
Decimus Laelius: Marcus Bibulus at Corcyra, with a hundred and ten
ships. But they had not the confidence to dare to move out of the
harbor; though Caesar had brought only twelve ships as a convoy, only
four of which had decks; nor did Bibulus, his fleet being disordered
and his seamen dispersed, come up in time: for Caesar was seen at the
continent, before any account whatsoever of his approach had reached
those regions.

Chapter 8

Caesar, having landed his soldiers, sent back his ships the same night
to Brundusium, to transport the rest of his legions and cavalry. The
charge of this business was committed to lieutenant Fufius Kalenus,
with orders to be expeditious in transporting the legions. But the
ships having put to sea too late, and not having taken advantage of
the night breeze, fell a sacrifice on their return. For Bibulus at
Corcyra, being informed of Caesar's approach, hoped to fall in with
some part of our ships, with their cargoes, but found them empty; and
having taken about thirty, vented on them his rage at his own
remissness, and set them all on fire: and, with the same flames, he
destroyed the mariners and masters of the vessels, hoping by the
severity of the punishment to deter the rest. Having accomplished this
affair, he filled all the harbors and shores from Salona to Oricum
with his fleets. Having disposed his guard with great care, he lay on
board himself in the depth of winter, declining no fatigue or duty,
and not waiting for reinforcements, in hopes that he might come within
Caesar's reach.

Chapter 9

But after the departure Of the Liburnian fleet, Marcus Octavius sailed
from Illyricum with what ships he had to Salona, and having spirited
up the Dalmatians, and other barbarous nations, he drew Issa off from
its connection with Caesar; but not being able to prevail with the
council of Salona, either by promises or menaces, he resolved to storm
the town. But it was well fortified by its natural situation and a
hill. The Roman citizens built wooden towers, the better to secure it;
but when they were unable to resist, on account of the smallness of
their numbers, being weakened by several wounds, they stooped to the
last resource, and set at liberty all the slaves old enough to bear
arms; and cutting the hair off the women's heads, made ropes for their
engines. Octavius, being informed of their determination, surrounded
the town with five encampments, and began to press them at once with a
siege and storm. They were determined to endure every hardship, and
their greatest distress was the want of corn. They, therefore, sent
deputies to Caesar, and begged a supply from him; all other
inconveniences they bore by their own resources, as well as they
could: and after a long interval, when the length of the siege had
made Octavius's troops more remiss than usual, having got an
opportunity at noon, when the enemy were dispersed, they disposed
their wives and children on the walls, to keep up the appearance of
their usual attention; and forming themselves into one body, with the
slaves whom they had lately enfranchised, they made an attack on
Octavius's nearest camp, and having forced that, attacked the second
with the same fury; and then the third and the fourth, and then the
other, and beat them from them all: and having killed a great number,
obliged the rest and Octavius himself to fly for refuge to their
ships. This put an end to the blockade. Winter was now approaching,
and Octavius, despairing of capturing the town, after sustaining such
considerable losses, withdrew to Pompey, to Dyrrachium.

Chapter 10

We have mentioned, that Vibullius Rufus, an officer of Pompey's had
fallen twice into Caesar's power; first at Corfinium, and afterward in
Spain. Caesar thought him a proper person, on account of his favors
conferred on him, to send with proposals to Pompey: and he knew that
he had an influence over Pompey. This was the substance of his
proposals: "That it was the duty of both, to put an end to their
obstinacy, and forbear hostilities, and not tempt fortune any further;
that sufficient loss had been suffered on both sides, to serve as a
lesson and instruction to them, to render them apprehensive of future
calamities, by Pompey, in having been driven out of Italy, and having
lost Sicily, Cardinia, and the two Spains, and one hundred and thirty
cohorts of Roman citizens, in Italy and Spain: by himself, in the
death of Curio, and the loss of so great an army in Africa, and the
surrender of his soldiers in Corcyra. Wherefore, they should have pity
on themselves, and the republic: for, from their own misfortunes, they
had sufficient experience of what fortune can effect in war. That this
was the only time to treat for peace; when each had confidence in his
own strength, and both seemed on an equal footing. Since, if fortune
showed ever so little favor to either, he who thought himself
superior, would not submit to terms of accommodation; nor would be
content with an equal division, when he might expect to obtain the
whole. That as they could not agree before, the terms of peace ought
to be submitted to the senate and people in Rome. That in the mean
time, it ought to content the republic and themselves, if they both
immediately took oath in a public assembly that they would disband
their forces within the three following days. That having divested
themselves of the arms and auxiliaries, on which they placed their
present confidence, they must both of necessity acquiesce in the
decision of the people and senate. To give Pompey the fuller assurance
of his intentions, he would dismiss all his forces on the land, even
his garrisons.

Chapter 11

Vibullius, having received this commission from Caesar, thought it no
less necessary to give Pompey notice of Caesar's sudden approach, that
he might adopt such plans as the circumstance required, than to inform
him of Caesar's message; and therefore continuing his journey by night
as well as by day, and taking fresh horses for dispatch, he posted
away to Pompey, to inform him that Caesar was marching toward him with
all his forces. Pompey was at this time in Candavia, and was on his
march from Macedonia to his winter quarters in Apollonia and
Dyrrachium; but surprised at the unexpected news, he determined to go
to Apollonia by speedy marches, to prevent Caesar from becoming master
of all the maritime states. But as soon as Caesar had landed his
troops, he set off the same day for Oricum: when he arrived there,
Lucius Torquatus, who was governor of the town by Pompey's
appointment, and had a garrison of Parthinians in it, endeavored to
shut the gates and defend the town, and ordered the Greeks to man the
walls, and to take arms. But as they refused to fight against the
power of the Roman people, and as the citizens made a spontaneous
attempt to admit Caesar, despairing of any assistance, he threw open
the gates, and surrendered himself and the town to Caesar, and was
preserved safe from injury by him.

Chapter 12

Having taken Oricum, Caesar marched without making any delay to
Apollonia. Staberius the governor, hearing of his approach, began to
bring water into the citadel, and to fortify it, and to demand
hostages of the town's people. But they refuse to give any, or to shut
their gates against the consul, or to take upon them to judge contrary
to what all Italy and the Roman people had judged. As soon as he knew
their inclinations, he made his escape privately. The inhabitants of
Apollonia sent embassadors to Caesar, and gave him admission into
their town. Their example was followed by the inhabitants of Bullis,
Amantia, and the other neighboring states, and all Epirus: and they
sent embassadors to Caesar, and promised to obey his commands.

Chapter 13

But Pompey having received information of the transactions at Oricum
and Apollonia, began to be alarmed for Dyrrachium, and endeavored to
reach it, marching day and night. As soon as it was said that Caesar
was approaching, such a panic fell upon Pompey's army, because in his
haste he had made no distinction between night and day, and had
marched without intermission, that they almost every man deserted
their colors in Epirus and the neighboring countries; several threw
down their arms, and their march had the appearance of a flight. But
when Pompey had halted near Dyrrachium, and had given orders for
measuring out the ground for his camp, his army even yet continuing in
their fright, Labienus first stepped forward and swore that he would
never desert him, and would share whatever fate fortune should assign
to him. The other lieutenants took the same oath, and the tribunes and
centurions followed their example: and the whole army swore in like
manner. Caesar, finding the road to Dyrrachium already in the
possession of Pompey, was in no great haste, but encamped by the river
Apsus, in the territory of Apollonia, that the states which had
deserved his support might be certain of protection from his
out-guards and forts; and there he resolved to wait the arrival of his
other legions from Italy, and to winter in tents. Pompey did the same;
and pitching his camp on the other side of the river Apsus, collected
there all his troops and auxiliaries.

Chapter 14

Kalenus, having put the legions and cavalry on board at Brundusium, as
Caesar had directed him, as far as the number of his ships allowed,
weighed anchor: and having sailed a little distance from port,
received a letter from Caesar, in which he was informed, that all the
ports and the whole shore was occupied by the enemy's fleet: on
receiving this information he returned into the harbor, and recalled
all the vessels. One of them, which continued the voyage and did not
obey Kalenus's command, because it carried no troops, but was private
property, bore away for Oricum, and was taken by Bibulus, who spared
neither slaves nor free men, nor even children; but put all to the
sword. Thus the safety of the whole army depended on a very short
space of time and a great casualty.

Chapter 15

Bibulus, as has been observed before, lay with his fleet near Oricum,
and as he debarred Caesar of the liberty of the sea and harbors, so he
was deprived of all intercourse with the country by land; for the
whole shore was occupied by parties disposed in different places by
Caesar. And he was not allowed to get either wood or water, or even
anchor near the land. He was reduced to great difficulties, and
distressed with extreme scarcity of every necessary; insomuch that he
was obliged to bring, in transports from Corcyra, not only provisions,
but even wood and water; and it once happened that, meeting with
violent storms, they were forced to catch the dew by night which fell
on the hides that covered their decks; yet all these difficulties they
bore patiently and without repining, and thought they ought not to
leave the shores and harbors free from blockade. But when they were
suffering under the distress which I have mentioned, and Libo had
joined Bibulus, they both called from on ship-board, to Marcus Acilius
and Statius Marcus, the lieutenants, one of whom commanded the town,
the other the guards on the coast, that they wished to speak to Caesar
on affairs of importance, if permission should be granted them. They
add something further to strengthen the impression that they intended
to treat about an accommodation. In the mean time they requested a
truce, and obtained it from them; for what they proposed seemed to be
of importance, and it was well known that Caesar desired it above all
things, and it was imagined that some advantage would be derived from
Bibulus's proposals.

Chapter 16

Caesar having set out with one legion to gain possession of the more
remote states, and to provide corn, of which he had but a small
quantity, was at this time at Buthrotum, opposite to Corcyra. There
receiving Acilius and Marcus's letters, informing him of Libo's and
Bibulus's demands, he left his legion behind him, and returned himself
to Oricum. When he arrived, they were invited to a conference. Libo
came and made an apology for Bibulus, "that he was a man of strong
passion, and had a private quarrel against Caesar, contracted when he
was aedile and praetor; that for this reason he had avoided the
conference, lest affairs of the utmost importance and advantage might
be impeded by the warmth of his temper. That it now was and ever had
been Pompey's most earnest wish, that they should be reconciled and
lay down their arms, but they were not authorized to treat on that
subject, because they resigned the whole management of the war, and
all other matters to Pompey, by order of the council. But when they
were acquainted with Caesar's demands, they would transmit them to
Pompey, who would conclude all of himself by their persuasions. In the
mean time, let the truce be continued till the messengers could return
from him; and let no injury be done on either side." To this he added
a few words of the cause for which they fought, and of his own forces
and resources.

Chapter 17

To this, Caesar did not then think proper to make any reply, nor do we
now think it worth recording. But Caesar required "that he should be
allowed to send commissioners to Pompey, who should suffer no personal
injury; and that either they should grant it, or should take his
commissioners in charge, and convey them to Pompey. That as to the
truce, the war in its present state was so divided, that they by their
fleet deprived him of his shipping and auxiliaries; while he prevented
them from the use of the land and fresh water; and if they wished that
this restraint should be removed from them, they should relinquish
their blockade of the seas, but if they retained the one, he in like
manner would retain the other; that nevertheless, the treaty of
accommodation might still be carried on, though these points were not
conceded, and that they need not be an impediment to it." They would
neither receive Caesar's commissioners, nor guarantee their safety,
but referred the whole to Pompey. They urged and struggled eagerly to
gain the one point respecting a truce. But when Caesar perceived that
they had proposed the conference merely to avoid present danger and
distress, but that they offered no hopes or terms of peace, he applied
his thoughts to the prosecution of the war.

Chapter 18

Bibulus, being prevented from landing for several days, and being
seized with a violent distemper from the cold and fatigue, as he could
neither be cured on board, nor was willing to desert the charge which
he had taken upon him, was unable to bear up against the violence of
the disease. On his death, the sole command devolved on no single
individual, but each admiral managed his own division separately, and
at his own discretion. Vibullius, as soon as the alarm, which Caesar's
unexpected arrival had raised, was over, began again to deliver
Caesar's message in the presence of Libo, Lucius Lucceius, and
Theophanes, to whom Pompey used to communicate his most confidential
secrets. He had scarcely entered on the subject when Pompey
interrupted him, and forbade him to proceed. "What need," says he,
"have I of life or Rome, if the world shall think I enjoy them by the
bounty of Caesar: an opinion which can never be removed while it shall
be thought that I have been brought back by him to Italy, from which I
set out." After the conclusion of the war, Caesar was informed of
these expressions by some persons who were present at the
conversation. He attempted, however, by other means to bring about a
negotiation of peace.

Chapter 19

Between Pompey's and Caesar's camp there was only the river Apsus, and
the soldiers frequently conversed with each other; and by a private
arrangement among themselves, no weapons were thrown during their
conferences. Caesar sent Publius Vatinius, one of his lieutenants, to
the bank of the river, to make such proposals as should appear most
conducive to peace; and to cry out frequently with a loud voice
[asking], "Are citizens permitted to send deputies to citizens to
treat of peace? a concession which had been made even to fugitives on
the Pyrenean mountains, and to robbers, especially when by so doing
they would prevent citizens from fighting against citizens." Having
spoken much in humble language, as became a man pleading for his own
and the general safety and being listened to with silence by the
soldiers of both armies, he received an answer from the enemy's party
that Aulus Varro proposed coming the next day to a conference, and
that deputies from both sides might come without danger, and explain
their wishes, and accordingly a fixed time was appointed for the
interview. When the deputies met the next day, a great multitude from
both sides assembled, and the expectations of every person concerning
this subject were raised very high, and their minds seemed to be
eagerly disposed for peace. Titus Labienus walked forward from the
crowd, and in submissive terms began to speak of peace, and to argue
with Vatinius. But their conversation was suddenly interrupted by
darts thrown from all sides, from which Vatinius escaped by being
protected by the arms of the soldiers. However, several were wounded;
and among them Cornelius Balbus, Marcus Plotius, and Lucius Tiburtius,
centurions, and some privates; hereupon Labienus exclaimed, "Forbear,
then, to speak any more about an accommodation, for we can have no
peace unless we carry Caesar's head back with us."

Chapter 20

At the same time in Rome, Marcus Caelius Rufus, one of the praetors,
having undertaken the cause of the debtors, on entering into his
office, fixed his tribunal near the bench of Caius Trebonius, the city
praetor, and promised if any person appealed to him in regard to the
valuation and payment of debts made by arbitration, as appointed by
Caesar when in Rome, that he would relieve them. But it happened, from
the justice of Trebonius's decrees and his humanity (for he thought
that in such dangerous times justice should be administered with
moderation and compassion), that not one could be found who would
offer himself the first to lodge an appeal. For to plead poverty, to
complain of his own private calamities, or the general distresses of
the times, or to assert the difficulty of setting the goods to sale,
is the behavior of a man even of a moderate temper; but to retain
their possessions entire, and at the same time acknowledge themselves
in debt, what sort of spirit, and what impudence would it not have
argued! Therefore nobody was found so unreasonable as to make such
demands. But Caelius proved more severe to those very persons for
whose advantage it had been designed; and starting from this
beginning, in order that he might not appear to have engaged in so
dishonorable an affair without effecting something, he promulgated a
law that all debts should be discharged in six equal payments, of six
months each, without interest.

Chapter 21

When Servilius, the consul, and the other magistrates opposed him, and
he himself effected less than he expected, in order to raise the
passions of the people, he dropped it, and promulgated two others;
one, by which he remitted the annual rents of the houses to the
tenants, the other, an act of insolvency: upon which the mob made an
assault on Caius Trebonius, and having wounded several persons, drove
him from his tribunal. The consul Servilius informed the senate of his
proceedings, who passed a decree that Caelius should be removed from
the management of the republic. Upon this decree, the consul forbade
him the senate; and when he was attempting to harangue the people,
turned him out of the rostrum. Stung with the ignominy and with
resentment, he pretended in public that he would go to Caesar, but
privately sent messengers to Milo, who had murdered Clodius, and had
been condemned for it; and having invited him into Italy, because he
had engaged the remains of the gladiators to his interest, by making
them ample presents, he joined him, and sent him to Thurinum to tamper
with the shepherds. When he himself was on his road to Casilinum, at
the same time that his military standards and arms were seized at
Capua, his slaves seen at Naples, and the design of betraying the town
discovered: his plots being revealed, and Capua shut against him,
being apprehensive of danger, because the Roman citizens residing
there had armed themselves, and thought he ought to be treated as an
enemy to the state, he abandoned his first design, and changed his
route.

Chapter 22

Milo in the mean time dispatched letters to the free towns, purporting
that he acted as he did by the orders and commands of Pompey, conveyed
to him by Bibulus: and he endeavored to engage in his interest all
persons whom he imagined were under difficulties by reason of their
debts. But not being able to prevail with them, he set at liberty some
slaves from the work-houses, and began to assault Cosa in the district
of Thurinum. There having received a blow of a stone thrown from the
wall of the town which was commanded by Quintus Pedius with one
legion, he died of it; and Caelius having set out, as he pretended for
Caesar, went to Thurii, where he was put to death as he was tampering
with some of the freemen of the town, and was offering money to
Caesar's Gallic and Spanish horse, which he had sent there to
strengthen the garrison. And thus these mighty beginnings, which had
embroiled Italy, and kept the magistrates employed, found a speedy and
happy issue.

Chapter 23

Libo having sailed from Oricum, with a fleet of fifty ships, which he
commanded, came to Brundusium, and seized an island, which lies
opposite to the harbor; judging it better to guard that place, which
was our only pass to sea, than to keep all the shores and ports
blocked up by a fleet. By his sudden arrival, he fell in with some of
our transports, and set them on fire, and carried off one laden with
corn; he struck great terror into our men, and having in the night
landed a party of soldiers and archers, he beat our guard of horse
from their station, and gained so much by the advantage of situation,
that he dispatched letters to Pompey, and if he pleased he might order
the rest of the ships to be hauled upon shore and repaired; for that
with his own fleet he could prevent Caesar from receiving his
auxiliaries.

Chapter 24

Antonius was at this time at Brundusium, and relying on the valor of
his troops, covered about sixty of the long-boats belonging to the
men-of-war with penthouses and bulwarks of hurdles, and put on board
them select soldiers; and disposed them separately along the shore:
and under the pretext of keeping the seamen in exercise, he ordered
two three-banked galleys, which he had built at Brundusium, to row to
the mouth of the port. When Libo saw them advancing boldly toward him,
he sent five four-banked galleys against them, in hopes of
intercepting them. When these came near our ships, our veteran
soldiers retreated within the harbor. The enemy, urged by their
eagerness to capture them, pursued them unguardedly: for instantly the
boats of Antonius, on a certain signal, rowed with great violence from
all parts against the enemy; and at the first charge took one of the
four-banked galleys, with the seamen and marines, and forced the rest
to flee disgracefully. In addition to this loss, they were prevented
from getting water by the horse which Antonius had disposed along the
sea-coast. Libo, vexed at the distress and disgrace, departed from
Brundusium, and abandoned the blockade.

Chapter 25

Several months had now elapsed, and winter was almost gone, and
Caesar's legions and shipping were not coming to him from Brundusium,
and he imagined that some opportunities had been neglected, for the
winds had at least been often favorable, and he thought that he must
trust to them at last. And the longer it was deferred, the more eager
were those who commanded Pompey's fleet to guard the coast, and were
more confident of preventing our getting assistance: they received
frequent reproofs from Pompey by letter, that as they had not
prevented Caesar's arrival at the first, they should at least stop the
remainder of his army: and they were expecting that the season for
transporting troops, would become more unfavorable every day, as the
winds grew calmer. Caesar, feeling some trouble on this account, wrote
in severe terms to his officers at Brundusium, [and gave them orders]
that as soon as they found the wind to answer, they should not let the
opportunity of setting sail pass by, if they were even to steer their
course to the shore of Apollonia: because there they might run their
ships on ground. That these parts principally were left unguarded by
the enemy's fleet, because they dare not venture too far from the
harbor.

Chapter 26

They [his officers], exerting boldness and courage, aided by the
instructions of Marcus Antonius, and Fusius Kalenus, and animated by
the soldiers strongly encouraging them, and declining no danger for
Caesar's safety, having got a southerly wind, weighed anchor, and the
next day were carried past Apollonia and Dyrrachium, and being seen
from the continent, Quintus Coponius, who commanded the Rhodian fleet
at Dyrrachium, put out of the port with his ships; and when they had
almost come up with us, in consequence of the breeze dying away, the
south wind sprang up afresh, and rescued us. However, he did not
desist from his attempt, but hoped by the labor and perseverance of
his seamen to be able to bear up against the violence of the storm;
and although we were carried beyond Dyrrachium, by the violence of the
wind, he nevertheless continued to chase us. Our men, taking advantage
of fortune's kindness, for they were still afraid of being attacked by
the enemy's fleet, if the wind abated, having come near a port, called
Nymphaeum, about three miles beyond Lissus, put into it (this port is
protected from a south-west wind, but is not secure against a south
wind); and thought less danger was to be apprehended from the storm
than from the enemy. But as soon as they were within the port, the
south wind, which had blown for two days, by extraordinary good luck
veered round to the south-west.

Chapter 27

Here one might observe the sudden turns of fortune. We who, a moment
before, were alarmed for ourselves, were safely lodged in a very
secure harbor: and they who had threatened ruin to our fleet, were
forced to be uneasy on their own account: and thus, by a change of
circumstances, the storm protected our ships, and damaged the Rhodian
fleet to such a degree that all their decked ships, sixteen in number,
foundered, without exception, and were wrecked: and of the prodigious
number of seamen and soldiers, some lost their lives by being dashed
against the rocks, others were taken by our men: but Caesar sent them
all safe home.

Chapter 28

Two of our ships, that had not kept up with the rest, being overtaken
by the night, and not knowing what port the rest had made to, came to
an anchor opposite Lissus. Otacilius Crassus, who commanded Pompey's
fleet, detached after them several barges and small craft, and
attempted to take them. At the same time, he treated with them about
capitulating, and promised them their lives if they would
surrender. One of them carried two hundred and twenty recruits, the
other was manned with somewhat less than two hundred veterans. Here it
might be seen what security men derive from a resolute spirit. For the
recruits, frightened at the number of vessels, and fatigued with the
rolling of the sea, and with sea-sickness, surrendered to Otacilius,
after having first received his oath, that the enemy would not injure
them; but as soon as they were brought before him, contrary to the
obligation of his oath, they were inhumanly put to death in his
presence. But the soldiers of the veteran legion, who had also
struggled, not only with the inclemency of the weather, but by
laboring at the pump, thought it their duty to remit nothing of their
former valor: and having protracted the beginning of the night in
settling the terms, under pretense of surrendering, they obliged the
pilot to run the ship aground: and having got a convenient place on
the shore, they spent the rest of the night there, and at day-break,
when Otacilius had sent against them a party of the horse, who guarded
that part of the coast, to the number of four hundred, beside some
armed men, who had followed them from the garrison, they made a brave
defense, and having killed some of them, retreated in safety to our
army.

Chapter 29

After this action, the Roman citizens, who resided at Lissus, a town
which Caesar had before assigned them, and had carefully fortified,
received Antony into their town, and gave him every
assistance. Otacilius, apprehensive for his own safety, escaped out of
the town, and went to Pompey. All his forces, whose number amounted to
three veteran legions, and one of recruits, and about eight hundred
horse being landed, Antony sent most of his ships back to Italy, to
transport the remainder of the soldiers and horse. The pontons, which
are a sort of Gallic ships, he left at Lissus with this object, that
if Pompey, imagining Italy defenseless, should transport his army
thither (and this notion was spread among the common people), Caesar
might have some means of pursuing him; and he sent messengers to him
with great dispatch, to inform him in what part of the country he had
landed his army, and what number of troops he had brought over with
him.

Chapter 30

Caesar and Pompey received this intelligence almost at the same time;
for they had seen the ships sail past Apollonia and Dyrrachium. They
directed their march after them by land; but at first they were
ignorant to what part they had been carried; but when they were
informed of it, they each adopted a different plan; Caesar, to form a
junction with Antonius as soon as possible; Pompey, to oppose
Antonius's forces on their march to Caesar, and, if possible, to fall
upon them unexpectedly from ambush. And the same day they both led out
their armies from their winter encampment along the river Apsus;
Pompey, privately by night; Caesar, openly by day. But Caesar had to
march a longer circuit up the river to find a ford. Pompey's route
being easy, because he was not obliged to cross the river, he advanced
rapidly and by forced marches against Antonius, and being informed of
his approach, chose a convenient situation, where he posted his
forces; and kept his men close within camp, and forbade fires to be
kindled, that his arrival might be the more secret. An account of this
was immediately carried to Antonius by the Greeks. He dispatched
messengers to Caesar, and confined himself in his camp for one
day. The next day Caesar, came up with him. On learning his arrival,
Pompey, to prevent his being hemmed in between two armies, quitted his
position, and went with all his forces to Asparagium, in the territory
of Dyrrachium, and there encamped in a convenient situation.

Chapter 31

During these times, Scipio, though he had sustained some losses near
mount Amanus, had assumed to himself the title of imperator, after
which he demanded large sums of money from the states and princes. He
had also exacted from the tax-gatherers, two years' rents that they
owed; and enjoined them to lend him the amount of the next year, and
demanded a supply of horse from the whole province. When they were
collected, leaving behind him his neighboring enemies, the Parthians
(who shortly before had killed Marcus Crassus, the imperator, and had
kept Marcus Bibulus besieged), he drew his legions and cavalry out of
Syria; and when he came into the province, which was under great
anxiety and fear of the Parthian war, and heard some declarations of
the soldiers, "That they would march against an enemy, if he would
lead them on; but would never bear arms against a countryman and
consul;" he drew off his legions to winter quarters to Pergamus, and
the most wealthy cities, and made them rich presents: and in order to
attach them more firmly to his interest, permitted them to plunder the
cities.

Chapter 32

In the mean time, the money which had been demanded from the province
at large, was most vigorously exacted. Besides, many new imposts of
different kinds were devised to gratify his avarice. A tax of so much
a head was laid on every slave and child. Columns, doors, corn,
soldiers, sailors, arms, engines, and carriages, were made subject to
a duty. Wherever a name could be found for any thing, it was deemed a
sufficient reason for levying money on it. Officers were appointed to
collect it, not only in the cities, but in almost every village and
fort: and whosoever of them acted with the greatest rigor and
inhumanity, was esteemed the best man, and best citizen. The province
was overrun with bailiffs and officers, and crowded with overseers and
tax-gatherers; who, besides the duties imposed, exacted a gratuity for
themselves; for they asserted, that being expelled from their own
homes and countries, they stood in need of every necessary;
endeavoring by a plausible pretense, to color the most infamous
conduct. To this was added the most exorbitant interest, as usually
happens in times of war; the whole sums being called in, on which
occasion, they alleged that the delay of a single day was a
donation. Therefore, in those two years, the debt of the province was
doubled: but notwithstanding, taxes were exacted, not only from the
Roman citizens, but from every corporation and every state. And they
said that these were loans, exacted by the senate's decree. The taxes
of the ensuing year were demanded beforehand as a loan from the
collectors, as on their first appointment.

Chapter 33

Moreover, Scipio ordered the money formerly lodged in the temple of
Diana at Ephesus, to be taken out with the statues of that goddess,
which remained there. When Scipio came to the temple, letters were
delivered to him from Pompey, in the presence of several senators,
whom he had called upon to attend him; [informing him] that Caesar had
crossed the sea with his legions; that Scipio should hasten to him
with his army, and postpone all other business. As soon as he received
the letter, he dismissed his attendants, and began to prepare for his
journey to Macedonia; and a few days after set out. This circumstance
saved the money at Ephesus.

Chapter 34

Caesar, having effected a junction with Antonius's army, and having
drawn his legion out of Oricum, which he had left there to guard the
coast, thought he ought to sound the inclination of the provinces, and
march further into the country; and when embassadors came to him from
Thessaly and Aetolia, to engage that the states in those countries
would obey his orders, if he sent a garrison to protect them, he
dispatched Lucius Cassius Longinus, with the twenty-seventh, a legion
composed of young soldiers, and two hundred horse, to Thessaly: and
Caius Calvisius Sabinus, with five cohorts, and a small party of
horse, into Aetolia. He recommended them to be especially careful to
provide corn, because those regions were nearest to him. He ordered
Cneius Domitius Calvinus to march into Macedonia with two legions, the
eleventh and twelfth, and five hundred horse; from which province,
Menedemus, the principal man of those regions, on that side which is
called the Free, having come as embassador, assured him of the most
devoted affection of all his subjects.

Chapter 35

Of these Calvisius, on his first arrival in Aetolia, being very kindly
received, dislodged the enemy's garrisons in Calydon and Naupactus,
and made himself master of the whole country. Cassius went to Thessaly
with his legion. As there were two factions there, he, found the
citizens divided in their inclinations. Hegasaretus, a man of
established power, favored Pompey's interest. Petreius, a young man of
a most noble family, warmly supported Caesar with his own and his
friends' influence.

Chapter 36

At the same time, Domitius arrived in Macedonia: and when numerous
embassies had begun to wait on him from many of the states, news was
brought that Scipio was approaching with his legions, which occasioned
various opinions and reports; for in strange events, rumor generally
goes before. Without making any delay in any part of Macedonia, he
marched with great haste against Domitius; and when he was come within
about twenty miles of him, wheeled on a sudden toward Cassius Longinus
in Thessaly. He effected this with such celerity, that news of his
march and arrival came together; for to render his march expeditious,
he left the baggage of his legions behind him at the river Haliacmon,
which divides Macedonia from Thessaly, under the care of Marcus
Favonius, with a guard of eight cohorts, and ordered him to build a
strong fort there. At the same time, Cotus's cavalry, which used to
infest the neighborhood of Macedonia, flew to attack Cassius's camp,
at which Cassius being alarmed, and having received information of
Scipio's approach, and seen the horse, which he imagined to be
Scipio's, he betook himself to the mountains that environ Thessaly,
and thence began to make his route toward Ambracia. But when Scipio
was hastening to pursue him, dispatches overtook him from Favonius,
that Domitius was marching against him with his legions, and that he
could not maintain the garrison over which he was appointed, without
Scipio's assistance. On receipt of these dispatches, Scipio changed
his designs and his route, desisted from his pursuit of Cassius, and
hastened to relieve Favonius. Accordingly, continuing his march day
and night, he came to him so opportunely, that the dust raised by
Domitius's army, and Scipio's advanced guard, were observed at the
same instant. Thus, the vigilance of Domitius saved Cassius, and the
expedition of Scipio, Favonius.

Chapter 37

Scipio, having staid for two days in his camp, along the river
Haliacmon, which ran between him and Domitius's camp, on the third
day, at dawn, led his army across a ford, and having made a regular
encampment the day following, drew up his forces in front of his
camp. Domitius thought he ought not to show any reluctance, but should
draw out his forces and hazard a battle. But as there was a plain six
miles in breadth between the two camps, he posted his army before
Scipio's camp; while the latter persevered in not quitting his
intrenchment. However, Domitius with difficulty restrained his men,
and prevented their beginning a battle; the more so as a rivulet with
steep banks, joining Scipio's camp, retarded the progress of our
men. When Scipio perceived the eagerness and alacrity of our troops to
engage, suspecting that he should be obliged the next day, either to
fight, against his inclination, or to incur great disgrace by keeping
within his camp, though he had come with high expectation, yet by
advancing rashly, made a shameful end; and at night crossed the river,
without even giving the signal for breaking up the camp, and returned
to the ground from which he came, and there encamped near the river,
on an elevated situation. After a few days, he placed a party of horse
in ambush in the night, where our men had usually gone to forage for
several days before. And when Quintus Varus, commander of Domitius's
horse, came there as usual, they suddenly rushed from their
ambush. But our men bravely supported their charge, and returned
quickly every man to his own rank, and in their turn, made a general
charge on the enemy; and having killed about eighty of them, and put
the rest to flight, retreated to their camp with the loss of only two
men.

Chapter 38

After these transactions, Domitius, hoping to allure Scipio to a
battle, pretended to be obliged to change his position through want of
corn, and having given the signal for decamping, advanced about three
miles, and posted his army and cavalry in a convenient place,
concealed from the enemy's view. Scipio being in readiness to pursue
him, detached his cavalry and a considerable number of light infantry
to explore Domitius's route. When they had marched a short way, and
their foremost troops were within reach of our ambush, their
suspicions being raised by the neighing of the horses, they began to
retreat: and the rest who followed them, observing with what speed
they retreated, made a halt. Our men, perceiving that the enemy had
discovered their plot, and thinking it in vain to wait for any more,
having got two troops in their power, intercepted them. Among them was
Marcus Opimius, general of the horse, but he made his escape: they
either killed or took prisoners all the rest of these two troops, and
brought them to Domitius.

Chapter 39

Caesar, having drawn his garrisons out of the sea-ports, as before
mentioned, left three cohorts at Oricum to protect the town, and
committed to them the charge of his ships of war, which he had
transported from Italy. Acilius, as lieutenant-general, had the charge
of this duty and the command of the town; he drew the ships into the
inner part of the harbor, behind the town, and fastened them to the
shore, and sank a merchant-ship in the mouth of the harbor to block it
up; and near it he fixed another at anchor, on which he raised a
turret, and faced it to the entrance of the port, and filled it with
soldiers, and ordered them to keep guard against any sudden attack.

Chapter 40

Cneius, Pompey's son, who commanded the Egyptian fleet, having got
intelligence of these things, came to Oricum, and weighed up the ship,
that had been sunk, with a windlass, and by straining at it with
several ropes, and attacked the other which had been placed by Acilius
to watch the port with several ships, on which he had raised very high
turrets, so that fighting as it were from an eminence, and sending
fresh men constantly to relieve the fatigued, and at the same time
attempting the town on all sides by land, with ladders and his fleet,
in order to divide the force of his enemies, he overpowered our men by
fatigue, and the immense number of darts, and took the ship, having
beat off the men that were put on board to defend it, who, however,
made their escape in small boats; and at the, same time he seized a
natural mole on the opposite side, which almost formed an island over
against the town. He carried over land, into the inner part of the
harbor, four galleys, by putting rollers under them, and driving them
on with levers. Then attacking on both sides the ships of war which
were moored to the shore, and were not manned, he carried off four of
them, and set the rest on fire. After dispatching this business, he
left Decimus Laelius, whom he had taken away from the command of the
Asiatic fleet, to hinder provisions from being brought into the town
from Biblis and Amantia, and went himself to Lissus, where he attacked
thirty merchantmen, left within the port by Antonius, and set them on
fire. He attempted to storm Lissus, but being delayed three days by
the vigorous defense of the Roman citizens who belonged to that
district, and of the soldiers which Caesar had sent to keep garrison
there, and having lost a few men in the assault, he returned without
effecting his object.

Chapter 41

As soon as Caesar heard that Pompey was at Asparagium, he set out for
that place with his army, and having taken the capital of the
Parthinians on his march, where there was a garrison of Pompey's, he
reached Pompey in Macedonia, on the third day, and encamped beside
him; and the day following having drawn out all his forces before his
camp, he offered Pompey battle. But perceiving that he kept within his
trenches, he led his army back to his camp, and thought of pursuing
some other plan. Accordingly, the day following, he set out with all
his forces by a long circuit, through a difficult and narrow road to
Dyrrachium; hoping, either that Pompey would be compelled to follow
him to Dyrrachium, or that his communication with it might be cut off,
because he had deposited there all his provisions and material of
war. And so it happened; for Pompey, at first not knowing his design,
because he imagined he had taken a route in a different direction from
that country, thought that the scarcity of provisions had obliged him
to shift his quarters; but having afterward got true intelligence from
his scouts, he decamped the day following, hoping to prevent him by
taking a shorter road; which Caesar suspecting might happen,
encouraged his troops to submit cheerfully to the fatigue, and having
halted a very small part of the night, he arrived early in the morning
at Dyrrachium, when the van of Pompey's army was visible at a
distance, and there he encamped.

Chapter 42

Pompey, being cut off from Dyrrachium, as he was unable to effect his
purpose, took a new resolution, and intrenched himself strongly on a
rising ground, which is called Petra, where ships of a small size can
come in, and be sheltered from some winds. Here he ordered a part of
his men of war to attend him, and corn and provisions to be brought
from Asia, and from all the countries of which he kept
possession. Caesar, imagining that the war would be protracted to too
great a length, and despairing of his convoys from Italy, because all
the coasts were guarded with great diligence by Pompey's adherents;
and because his own fleets, which he had built during the winter, in
Sicily, Gaul, and Italy, were detained; sent Lucius Canuleius into
Epirus to procure corn; and because these countries were too remote,
he fixed granaries in certain places, and regulated the carriage of
the corn for the neighboring states. He likewise gave directions that
search should be made for whatever corn was in Lissus, the country of
the Parthini, and all the places of strength. The quantity was very
small, both from the nature of the land (for the country is rough and
mountainous, and the people commonly import what grain they use); and
because Pompey had foreseen what would happen, and some days before
had plundered the Parthini, and having ravaged and dug up their
houses, carried off all the corn, which he collected by means of his
horse.

Chapter 43

Caesar, on being informed of these transactions, pursued measures
suggested by the nature of the country. For round Pompey's camps there
were several high and rough hills. These he first of all occupied with
guards, and raised strong forts on them. Then drawing a fortification
from one fort to another, as the nature of each position allowed, he
began to draw a line of circumvallation round Pompey, with these
views; as he had but a small quantity of corn, and Pompey was strong
in cavalry, that he might furnish his army with corn and other
necessaries from all sides with less danger; secondly, to prevent
Pompey from foraging, and thereby render his horse ineffectual in the
operations of the war; and thirdly, to lessen his reputation, on which
he saw he depended greatly, among foreign nations, when a report
should have spread throughout the world that he was blockaded by
Caesar, and dare not hazard a battle.

Chapter 44

Neither was Pompey willing to leave the sea and Dyrrachium, because he
had lodged his material there, his weapons, arms, and engines; and
supplied his army with corn from it by his ships; nor was he able to
put a stop to Caesar's works without hazarding a battle, which at that
time he had determined not to do. Nothing was left but to adopt the
last resource, namely, to possess himself of as many hills as he
could, and cover as great an extent of country as possible with his
troops, and divide Caesar's forces as much as possible; and so it
happened: for having raised twenty-four forts, and taken in a compass
of fifteen miles, he got forage in this space, and within this circuit
there were several fields lately sown, in which the cattle might feed
in the mean time. And as our men, who had completed their works by
drawing lines of communication from one fort to another, were afraid
that Pompey's men would sally out from some part, and attack us in the
rear; so the enemy were making a continued fortification in a circuit
within ours to prevent us from breaking in on any side, or surrounding
them on the rear. But they completed their works first; both because
they had a greater number of men, and because they had a smaller
compass to inclose. When Caesar attempted to gain any place, though
Pompey had resolved not to oppose him with his whole force, or to come
to a general engagement, yet he detached to particular places slingers
and archers, with which his army abounded, and several of our men were
wounded, and filled with great dread of the arrows; and almost all the
soldiers made coats or coverings for themselves of hair cloths,
tarpaulins, or raw hides to defend them against the weapons.

Chapter 45

In seizing the posts, each exerted his utmost power. Caesar, to
confine Pompey within as narrow a compass as possible; Pompey, to
occupy as many hills as he could in as large a circuit as possible,
and several skirmishes were fought in consequence of it. In one of
these, when Caesar's ninth legion had gained a certain post, and had
begun to fortify it, Pompey possessed himself of a hill near to and
opposite the same place, and endeavored to annoy the men while at
work; and as the approach on one side was almost level, he first
surrounded it with archers and slingers, and afterward by detaching a
strong party of light infantry, and using his engines, he stopped our
works; and it was no easy matter for our men at once to defend
themselves, and to proceed with their fortifications. When Caesar
perceived that his troops were wounded from all sides, he determined
to retreat and give up the post; his retreat was down a precipice, on
which account they pushed on with more spirit, and would not allow us
to retire, because they imagined that we resigned the place through
fear. It is reported that Pompey said that day in triumph to his
friends about him, "That he would consent to be accounted a general of
no experience, if Caesar's legions effected a retreat without
considerable loss from that ground into which they had rashly
advanced."

Chapter 46

Caesar, being uneasy about the retreat of his soldiers, ordered
hurdles to be carried to the further side of the hill, and to be
placed opposite to the enemy, and behind them a trench of a moderate
breadth to be sunk by his soldiers under shelter of the hurdles; and
the ground to be made as difficult as possible. He himself disposed
slingers in convenient places to cover our men in their retreat. These
things being completed, he ordered his legions to file off: Pompey's
men insultingly and boldly pursued and chased us, leveling the hurdles
that were thrown up in the front of our works, in order to pass over
the trench. Which as soon as Caesar perceived, being afraid that his
men would appear not to retreat, but to be repulsed, and that greater
loss might be sustained, when his men were almost half way down the
hill, he encouraged them by Antonius, who commanded that legion,
ordered the signal of battle to be sounded, and a charge to be made on
the enemy. The soldiers of the ninth legion suddenly closing their
files, threw their javelins, and advancing impetuously from the low
ground up the steep, drove Pompey's men precipitately before them, and
obliged them to turn their backs; but their retreat was greatly
impeded by the hurdles that lay in a long line before them, and the
palisadoes which were in their way, and the trenches that were
sunk. But our men being contented to retreat without injury, having
killed several of the enemy, and lost but five of their own, very
quietly retired, and having seized some other hills somewhat on this
side of that place, completed their fortifications.

Chapter 47

This method of conducting a war was new and unusual, as well on
account of the number of forts, the extent and greatness of the works,
and the manner of attack and defense, as on account of other
circumstances. For all who have attempted to besiege any person, have
attacked the enemy when they were frightened or weak, or after a
defeat; or have been kept in fear of some attack, when they themselves
have had a superior force both of foot and horse. Besides, the usual
design of a siege is to cut off the enemy's supplies. On the contrary,
Caesar, with an inferior force, was inclosing troops sound and unhurt,
and who had abundance of all things. For there arrived every day a
prodigious number of ships, which brought them provisions: nor could
the wind blow from any point, that would not be favorable to some of
them. Whereas, Caesar, having consumed all the corn far and near, was
in very great distress, but his soldiers bore all with uncommon
patience. For they remembered that they lay under the same
difficulties last year in Spain, and yet by labor and patience had
concluded a dangerous war. They recollected too that they had suffered
an alarming scarcity at Alesia, and a much greater at Avaricum, and
yet had returned victorious over mighty nations. They refused neither
barley nor pulse when offered them, and they held in great esteem
cattle, of which they got great quantities from Epirus.

Chapter 48

There was a sort of root called chara, discovered by the troops which
served under Valerius. This they mixed up with milk, and it greatly
contributed to relieve their want. They made it into a sort of
bread. They had great plenty of it; loaves made of this, when Pompey's
men upbraided ours with want, they frequently threw among them to damp
their hopes.

Chapter 49

The corn was now beginning to ripen, and their hope supported their
want, as they were confident of having abundance in a short time. And
there were frequently heard declarations of the soldiers on guard, in
discourse with each other, that they would rather live on the bark of
the trees, than let Pompey escape from their hands. For they were
often told by deserters, that they could scarcely maintain their
horses, and that their other cattle was dead: that they themselves
were not in good health from their confinement within so narrow a
compass, from the noisome smell, the number of carcasses, and the
constant fatigue to them, being men unaccustomed to work, and laboring
under a great want of water. For Caesar had either turned the course
of all the rivers and streams which ran to the sea, or had dammed them
up with strong works. And as the country was mountainous, and the
valleys narrow at the bottom, he inclosed them with piles sunk in the
ground, and heaped up mold against them to keep in the water. They
were therefore obliged to search for low and marshy grounds, and to
sink wells, and they had this labor in addition to their daily
works. And even these springs were at a considerable distance from
some of their posts, and soon dried up with the heat. But Caesar's
army enjoyed perfect health and abundance of water, and had plenty of
all sorts of provisions except corn; and they had a prospect of better
times approaching, and saw greater hopes laid before them by the
ripening of the grain.

Chapter 50

In this new kind of war, new methods of managing it were invented by
both generals. Pompey's men, perceiving by our fires at night, at what
part of the works our cohorts were on guard, coming silently upon them
discharged their arrows at random among the whole multitude, and
instantly retired to their camp; as a remedy against which our men
were taught by experience to light their fires in one place, and keep
guard in another. Note: The translator felt that some of the original
text was missing at this point.

Chapter 51

In the mean time, Publius Sylla, whom Caesar at his departure had left
governor of his camp, came up with two legions to assist the cohort;
upon whose arrival Pompey's forces were easily repulsed. Nor did they
stand the sight and charge of our men, and the foremost falling, the
rest turned their backs and quitted the field. But Sylla called our
men in from the pursuit, lest their ardor should carry them too far,
but most people imagine that if he had consented to a vigorous
pursuit, the war might have been ended that day. His conduct however
does not appear to deserve censure; for the duties of a
lieutenant-general, and of a commander-in-chief, are very different;
the one is bound to act entirely according to his instructions, the
other to regulate his conduct without control, as occasion
requires. Sylla, being deputed by Caesar to take care of the camp, and
having rescued his men, was satisfied with that, and did not desire to
hazard a battle (although this circumstance might probably have had a
successful issue), that he might not be thought to have assumed the
part of the general. One circumstance laid the Pompeians under great
difficulty in making good a retreat: for they had advanced from
disadvantageous ground, and were posted on the top of a hill. If they
attempted to retire down the steep, they dreaded the pursuit of our
men from the rising ground, and there was but a short time till
sunset: for in hopes of completing the business, they had protracted
the battle almost till night. Taking therefore measures suited to
their exigency, and to the shortness of the time, Pompey possessed
himself of an eminence, at such a distance from our fort that no
weapon discharged from an engine could reach him. Here he took up a
position, and fortified it, and kept all his forces there.

Chapter 52

At the same time, there were engagements in two other places; for
Pompey had attacked several forts at once, in order to divide our
forces; that no relief might be sent from the neighboring posts. In
one place, Volcatius Tullus sustained the charge of a legion with
three cohorts, and beat them off the field. In another, the Germans,
having sallied over our fortifications, slew several of the enemy, and
retreated safe to our camp.

Chapter 53

Thus six engagements having happened in one day, three at Dyrrachium,
and three at the fortifications, when a computation was made of the
number of slain, we found that about two thousand fell on Pompey's
side, several of them volunteer veterans and centurions. Among them
was Valerius, the son of Lucius Flaccus, who as praetor had formerly
had the government of Asia, and six military standards were taken. Of
our men, not more than twenty were missing in all the action. But in
the fort, not a single soldier escaped without a wound; and in one
cohort, four centurions lost their eyes. And being desirous to produce
testimony of the fatigue they under went, and the danger they
sustained, they counted to Caesar about thirty thousand arrows which
had been thrown into the fort; and in the shield of the centurion
Scaeva, which was brought to him, were found two hundred and thirty
holes. In reward for this man's services, both to himself and the
public, Caesar presented to him two hundred thousand pieces of copper
money, and declared him promoted from the eighth to the first
centurion. For it appeared that the fort had been in a great measure
saved by his exertions; and he afterward very amply rewarded the
cohorts with double pay, corn, clothing, and other military honors.

Chapter 54

Pompey, having made great additions to his works in the night, the
following days built turrets, and having carried his works fifteen
feet high, faced that part of his camp with mantelets; and after an
interval of five days, taking advantage of a second cloudy night, he
barricaded all the gates of his camp to hinder a pursuit, and about
midnight, quietly marched off his army, and retreated to his old
fortifications.

Chapter 55

Aetolia, Acarnania, and Amphilochis, being reduced, as we have
related, by Cassius Longinus, and Calvisius Sabinus, Caesar thought he
ought to attempt the conquest of Achaia, and to advance further into
the country. Accordingly, he detached Fufius thither, and ordered
Quintus Sabinus and Cassius to join him with their cohorts. Upon
notice of their approach, Rutilius Lupus, who commanded in Achaia,
under Pompey, began to fortify the Isthmus, to prevent Fufius from
coming into Achaia. Kalenus recovered Delphi, Thebes, and Orchomenus,
by a voluntary submission of those states. Some he subdued by force,
the rest he endeavored to win over to Caesar's interest, by sending
deputies round to them. In these things, principally, Fusius was
employed.

Chapter 56

Every day afterward, Caesar drew up his army on a level ground, and
offered Pompey battle, and led his legions almost close to Pompey's
camp; and his front line was at no greater distance from the rampart
than that no weapon from their engines could reach it. But Pompey, to
save his credit and reputation with the world, drew out his legions,
but so close to his camp, that his rear line might touch the rampart,
and that his whole army, when drawn up, might be protected by the
darts discharged from it.

Chapter 57

While these things were going forward in Achaia and at Dyrrachium, and
when it was certainly known that Scipio was arrived in Macedonia,
Caesar, never losing sight of his first intention, sends Clodius to
him, an intimate friend to both, whom Caesar, on the introduction and
recommendation of Pompey, had admitted into the number of his
acquaintance. To this man he gave letters and instructions to Pompey,
the substance of which was as follows: "That he had made every effort
toward peace, and imputed the ill success of those efforts to the
fault of those whom he had employed to conduct those negotiations;
because they were afraid to carry his proposals to Pompey at an
improper time. That Scipio had such authority, that he could not only
freely explain what conduct met his approbation, but even in some
degree enforce his advice, and govern him [Pompey] if he persisted in
error; that he commanded an army independent of Pompey, so that
besides his authority, he had strength to compel; and if he did so,
all men would be indebted to him for the quiet of Italy, the peace of
the provinces, and the preservation of the empire." These proposals
Clodius made to him, and for some days at the first appeared to have
met with a favorable reception, but afterward was not admitted to an
audience; for Scipio being reprimanded by Favonius, as we found
afterward when the war was ended, and the negotiation having
miscarried, Clodius returned to Caesar.

Chapter 58

Caesar, that he might the more easily keep Pompey's horse inclosed
within Dyrrachium, and prevent them from foraging, fortified the two
narrow passes already mentioned with strong works, and erected forts
at them. Pompey perceiving that he derived no advantage from his
cavalry, after a few days had them conveyed back to his camp by
sea. Fodder was so exceedingly scarce that he was obliged to feed his
horses upon leaves stripped off the trees, or the tender roots of
reeds pounded. For the corn which had been sown within the lines was
already consumed, and they would be obliged to supply themselves with
fodder from Corcyra and Acarnania, over a long tract of sea; and as
the quantity of that fell short, to increase it by mixing barley with
it, and by these methods support their cavalry. But when not only the
barley and fodder in these parts were consumed, and the herbs cut
away, when the leaves too were not to be found on the trees, the
horses being almost starved, Pompey thought he ought to make some
attempt by a sally.

Chapter 59

In the number of Caesar's cavalry were two Allobrogians, brothers,
named Roscillus and Aegus, the sons of Abducillus, who for several
years possessed the chief power in his own state; men of singular
valor, whose gallant services Caesar had found very useful in all his
wars in Gaul. To them, for these reasons, he had committed the offices
of greatest honor in their own country, and took care to have them
chosen into the senate at an unusual age, and had bestowed on them
lands taken from the enemy, and large pecuniary rewards, and from
being needy had made them affluent. Their valor had not only procured
them Caesar's esteem, but they were beloved by the whole army. But
presuming on Caesar's friendship, and elated with the arrogance
natural to a foolish and barbarous people, they despised their
countrymen, defrauded their cavalry of their pay, and applied all the
plunder to their own use. Displeased at this conduct, their soldiers
went in a body to Caesar, and openly complained of their ill usage;
and to their other charges added, that false musters were given in to
Caesar, and the surcharged pay applied to their own use.

Chapter 60

Caesar, not thinking it a proper time to call them to account, and
willing to pardon many faults, on account of their valor, deferred the
whole matter, and gave them a private rebuke, for having made a
traffic of their troops, and advised them to expect every thing from
his friendship, and by his past favors to measure their future
hopes. This however, gave them great offense, and made them
contemptible in the eyes of the whole army. Of this they became
sensible, as well from the reproaches of others, as from the judgment
of their own minds, and a consciousness of guilt. Prompted then by
shame, and perhaps imagining that they were not liberated from trial,
but reserved to a future day, they resolved to break off from us, to
put their fortune to a new hazard, and to make trial of new
connections. And having conferred with a few of their clients, to whom
they could venture to intrust so base an action, they first attempted
to assassinate Caius Volusenus, general of the horse (as was
discovered at the end of the war), that they might appear to have fled
to Pompey after conferring an important service on him. But when that
appeared too difficult to put in execution, and no opportunity offered
to accomplish it, they borrowed all the money they could, as if they
designed to make satisfaction and restitution for what they had
defrauded: and having purchased a great number of horses, they
deserted to Pompey along with those whom they had engaged in their
plot.

Chapter 61

As they were persons nobly descended and of liberal education, and had
come with a great retinue, and several cattle, and were reckoned men
of courage, and had been in great esteem with Caesar, and as it was a
new and uncommon event, Pompey carried them round all his works, and
made an ostentatious show of them, for till that day, not a soldier,
either horse or foot had deserted from Caesar to Pompey, though there
were desertions almost every day from Pompey to Caesar: but more
commonly among the soldiers levied in Epirus and Aetolia, and in those
countries, which were in Caesar's possession. But the brothers, having
been acquainted with all things, either what was incomplete in our
works, or what appeared to the best judges of military matters to be
deficient, the particular times, the distance of places, and the
various attention of the guards, according to the different temper and
character of the officer who commanded the different posts, gave an
exact account of all to Pompey.

Chapter 62

Upon receiving this intelligence, Pompey, who had already formed the
design of attempting a sally, as before mentioned, ordered the
soldiers to make ozier coverings for their helmets, and to provide
fascines. These things being prepared, he embarked on board small
boats and row galleys by night, a considerable number of light
infantry and archers, with all their fascines, and immediately after
midnight, he marched sixty cohorts drafted from the greater camp and
the outposts, to that part of our works which extended toward the sea,
and were at the furthest distance from Caesar's greater camp. To the
same place he sent the ships, which he had freighted with the fascines
and light-armed troops; and all the ships of war that lay at
Dyrrachium; and to each he gave particular instructions: at this part
of the lines Caesar had posted Lentulus Marcellinus, the quaestor,
with the ninth legion, and as he was not in a good state of health,
Fulvius Costhumus was sent to assist him in the command.

Chapter 63

At this place, fronting the enemy, there was a ditch fifteen feet
wide, and a rampart ten feet high, and the top of the rampart was ten
feet in breadth. At an interval of six hundred feet from that there
was another rampart turned the contrary way, with the works lower. For
some days before, Caesar, apprehending that our men might be
surrounded by sea, had made a double rampart there, that if he should
be attacked on both sides, he might have the means of defending
himself. But the extent of the lines, and the incessant labor for so
many days, because he had inclosed a circuit of seventeen miles with
his works, did not allow time to finish them. Therefore the transverse
rampart which should make a communication between the other two, was
not yet completed. This circumstance was known to Pompey, being told
to him by the Allobrogian deserters, and proved of great disadvantage
to us. For when our cohorts of the ninth legion were on guard by the
sea-side, Pompey's army arrived suddenly by break of day, and their
approach was a surprise to our men, and at the same time, the soldiers
that came by sea, cast their darts on the front rampart; and the
ditches were filled with fascines: and the legionary soldiers
terrified those that defended the inner rampart, by applying the
scaling ladders, and by engines and weapons of all sorts, and a vast
multitude of archers poured round upon them from every side. Besides,
the coverings of oziers, which they had laid over their helmets, were
a great security to them against the blows of stones which were the
only weapons that our soldiers had. And therefore, when our men were
oppressed in every manner, and were scarcely able to make resistance,
the defect in our works was observed, and Pompey's soldiers, landing
between the two ramparts, where the work was unfinished, attacked our
men in the rear, and having beat them from both sides of the
fortification, obliged them to flee.

Chapter 64

Marcellinus, being informed of this disorder, detached some cohorts to
the relief of our men, who seeing them flee from the camp, were
neither able to persuade them to rally at their approach, nor
themselves to sustain the enemy's charge. And in like manner, whatever
additional assistance was sent, was infected by the fears of the
defeated, and increased the terror and danger. For retreat was
prevented by the multitude of the fugitives. In that battle, when the
eagle-bearer was dangerously wounded, and began to grow weak, having
got sight of our horse, he said to them, "This eagle have I defended
with the greatest care for many years, at the hazard of my life, and
now in my last moments restore it to Caesar with the same fidelity. Do
not, I conjure you, suffer a dishonor to be sustained in the field,
which never before happened to Caesar's army, but deliver it safe into
his hands." By this accident the eagle was preserved, but all the
centurions of the first cohorts were killed, except the principal.

Chapter 65

And now the Pompeians, after great havoc of our troops, were
approaching Marcellinus's camp, and had struck no small terror into
the rest of the cohorts, when Marcus Antonius, who commanded the
nearest fort, being informed of what had happened, was observed
descending from the rising ground with twelve cohorts. His arrival
checked the Pompeians, and encouraged our men to recover from their
extreme affright. And shortly after, Caesar having got notice by the
smoke of all the forts, which was the usual signal on such occasions,
drafted off some cohorts from the outposts, and went to the scene of
action. And having there learned the loss he had sustained, and
perceiving that Pompey had forced our works, and had encamped along
the coast, so that he was at liberty to forage, and had a
communication with his shipping, he altered his plan for conducting
the war, as his design had not succeeded, and ordered a strong
encampment to be made near Pompey.

Chapter 66

When this work was finished, Caesar's scouts observed that some
cohorts, which to them appeared like a legion, were retired behind the
wood, and were on their march to the old camp. The situation of the
two camps was as follows: a few days before, when Caesar's ninth
legion had opposed a party of Pompey's troops, and were endeavoring to
inclose them, Caesar's troops formed a camp in that place. This camp
joined a certain wood, and was not above four hundred paces distant
from the sea. Afterward, changing his design for certain reasons,
Caesar removed his camp to a small distance beyond that place; and
after a few days, Pompey took possession of it, and added more
extensive works, leaving the inner rampart standing, as he intended to
keep several legions there. By this means, the lesser camp, included
within the greater, answered the purpose of a fort and citadel. He had
also carried an intrenchment from the left angle of the camp to the
river, about four hundred paces, that his soldiers might have more
liberty and less danger in fetching water. But he too, changing his
design for reasons not necessary to be mentioned, abandoned the
place. In this condition the camp remained for several days, the works
being all entire.

Chapter 67

Caesar's scouts brought him word that the standard of a legion was
carried to this place. That the same thing was seen he was assured by
those in the higher forts. This place was a half a mile distant from
Pompey's new camp. Caesar, hoping to surprise this legion, and anxious
to repair the loss sustained that day, left two cohorts employed in
the works to make an appearance of intrenching himself, and by a
different route, as privately as he could, with his other cohorts
amounting to thirty-three, among which was the ninth legion, which had
lost so many centurions, and whose privates were greatly reduced in
number, he marched in two lines against Pompey's legion and his lesser
camp. Nor did this first opinion deceive him. For he reached the place
before Pompey could have notice of it; and though the works were
strong, yet having made the attack with the left wing which he
commanded in person, he obliged the Pompeians to quit the rampart in
disorder. A barricade had been raised before the gates, at which a
short contest was maintained, our men endeavoring to force their way
in, and the enemy to defend the camp; Titus Pulcio, by whose means we
have related that Caius Antonius's army was betrayed, defending them
with singular courage. But the valor of our men prevailed, and having
cut down the barricade, they first forced the greater camp, and after
that the fort which was inclosed within it; and as the legion on its
repulse had retired to this, they slew several defending themselves
there.

Chapter 68

But Fortune who exerts a powerful influence as well in other matters,
as especially in war, effects great changes from trifling causes, as
happened at this time. For the cohorts on Caesar's right wing, through
ignorance of the place, followed the direction of that rampart which
ran along from the camp to the river, while they were in search of a
gate, and imagined that it belonged to the camp. But when they found
that it led to the river, and that nobody opposed them, they
immediately climbed over the rampart, and were followed by all our
cavalry.

Chapter 69

In the mean time Pompey, by the great delay which this occasioned,
being informed of what had happened, marched with the fifth legion,
which he called away from their work to support his party; and at the
same time his cavalry were advancing up to ours, and an army in order
of battle, was seen at a distance by our men who had taken possession
of the camp, and the face of affairs was suddenly changed. For
Pompey's legion, encouraged by the hope of speedy support, attempted
to make a stand at the Decuman gate, and made a bold charge on our
men. Caesar's cavalry, who had mounted the rampart by a narrow breach,
being apprehensive of their retreat, were the first to flee. The right
wing which had been separated from the left, observing the terror of
the cavalry, to prevent their being overpowered within the lines, were
endeavoring to retreat by the same way as they burst in; and most of
them, lest they should be engaged in the narrow passes, threw
themselves down a rampart ten feet high into the trenches; and the
first being trodden to death, the rest procured their safety, and
escaped over their bodies. The soldiers of the left wing, perceiving
from the rampart that Pompey was advancing, and their own friends
fleeing, being afraid that they should be inclosed between the two
ramparts, as they had an enemy both within and without, strove to
secure their retreat the same way they came. All was disorder,
consternation, and flight; insomuch that, when Caesar laid hold of the
colors of those who were running away, and desired them to stand, some
left their horses behind, and continued to run in the same manner;
others through fear even threw away their colors. Nor did a single man
face about.

Chapter 70

In this calamity, the following favorable circumstance occurred to
prevent the ruin of our whole army, viz., that Pompey suspecting an
ambuscade (because, as I suppose, the success had far exceeded his
hopes, as he had seen his men a moment before fleeing from the camp),
durst not for some time approach the fortification; and that his horse
were retarded from pursuing, because the passes and gates were in
possession of Caesar's soldiers. Thus a trifling circumstance proved
of great importance to each party; for the rampart drawn from the camp
to the river, interrupted the progress and certainty of Caesar's
victory, after he had forged Pompey's camp. The same thing, by
retarding the rapidity of the enemy's pursuit, preserved our army.

Chapter 71

In the two actions of this day, Caesar lost nine hundred and sixty
rank and file, several Roman knights of distinction, Felginas
Tuticanus Gallus, a senator's son; Caius Felginas from Placentia;
Aulus Gravius from Puteoli; Marcus Sacrativir from Capua; and
thirty-two military tribunes and centurions. But the greatest part of
all these perished without a wound, being trodden to death in the
trenches, on the ramparts and banks of the river by reason of the
terror and flight of their own men. Pompey, after this battle, was
saluted Imperator; this title he retained, and allowed himself to be
addressed by it afterward. But neither in his letters to the senate,
nor in the fasces, did he use the laurel as a mark of honor. But
Labienus, having obtained his consent that the prisoners should be
delivered up to him, had them all brought out, as it appeared, to make
a show of them, and that Pompey might place a greater confidence in
him who was a deserter; and calling them fellow soldiers, and asking
them in the most insulting manner whether it was usual with veterans
to flee, ordered them to be put to death in the sight of the whole
army.

Chapter 72

Pompey's party were so elated with confidence and spirit at this
success, that they thought no more of the method of conducting the
war, but thought that they were already conquerors. They did not
consider that the smallness of our numbers, and the disadvantage of
the place and the confined nature of the ground occasioned by their
having first possessed themselves of the camp, and the double danger
both from within and without the fortifications, and the separation of
the army into two parts, so that the one could not give relief to the
other, were the causes of our defeat. They did not consider, in
addition, that the contest was not decided by a vigorous attack, nor a
regular battle; and that our men had suffered greater loss from their
numbers and want of room, than they had sustained from the enemy. In
fine, they did not reflect on the common casualties of war; how
trifling causes, either from groundless suspicions, sudden affright,
or religious scruples, have oftentimes been productive of considerable
losses; how often an army has been unsuccessful either by the
misconduct of the general, or the oversight of a tribune; but as if
they had proved victorious by their valor, and as if no change could
ever take place, they published the success of the day throughout the
world by reports and letters.

Chapter 73

Caesar, disappointed in his first intentions, resolved to change the
whole plan of his operations. Accordingly, he at once called in all
outposts, gave over the siege, and collecting his army into one place,
addressed his soldiers and encouraged them "not to be troubled at what
had happened, nor to be dismayed at it, but to weigh their many
successful engagements against one disappointment, and that, too, a
trifling one. That they ought to be grateful to Fortune, through whose
favor they had recovered Italy without the effusion of blood; through
whose favor they had subdued the two Spains, though protected by a
most warlike people under the command of the most skillful and
experienced generals; through whose favor they had reduced to
submission the neighboring states that abounded with corn; in fine,
that they ought to remember with what success they had been all
transported safe through blockading fleets of the enemy, which
possessed not only the ports, but even the coasts; that if all their
attempts were not crowned with success, the defects of Fortune must be
supplied by industry; and whatever loss had been sustained, ought to
be attributed rather to her caprices than to any faults in him: that
he had chosen a safe ground for the engagement, that he had possessed
himself of the enemy's camp; that he had beaten them out, and overcome
them when they offered resistance; but whether their own terror or
some mistake, or whether Fortune herself had interrupted a victory
almost secured and certain, they ought all now to use their utmost
efforts to repair by their valor the loss which had been incurred; if
they did so, their misfortunes would turn to their advantage, as it
happened at Gergovia, and those who feared to face the enemy would be
the first to offer themselves to battle.

Chapter 74

Having concluded his speech, he disgraced some standard-bearers, and
reduced them to the ranks; for the whole army was seized with such
grief at their loss and with such an ardent desire of repairing their
disgrace, that not a man required the command of his tribune or
centurion, but they imposed each on himself severer labors than usual
as a punishment, and at the same time were so inflamed with eagerness
to meet the enemy, that the officers of the first rank, sensibly
affected at their entreaties, were of opinion that they ought to
continue in their present posts, and commit their fate to the hazard
of a battle. But, on the other hand, Caesar could not place sufficient
confidence in men so lately thrown into consternation, and thought he
ought to allow them time to recover their dejected spirits; and having
abandoned his works, he was apprehensive of being distressed for want
of corn.

Chapter 75

Accordingly, suffering no time to intervene but what was necessary for
a proper attention to be paid to the sick and wounded, he sent on all
his baggage privately in the beginning of the night from his camp to
Apollonia, and ordered them not to halt till they had performed their
journey; and he detached one legion with them as a convoy. This affair
being concluded, having retained only two legions in his camp, he
marched the rest of his army out at three o'clock in the morning by
several gates, and sent them forward by the same route; and in a short
space after, that the military practice might be preserved, and his
march known as late as possible, he ordered the signal for decamping
to be given; and setting out immediately and following the rear of his
own army, he was soon out of sight of the camp. Nor did Pompey, as
soon as he had notice of his design, make any delay to pursue him; but
with a view to surprise them while encumbered with baggage on their
march, and not yet recovered from their fright, he led his army out of
his camp, and sent his cavalry on to retard our rear; but was not able
to come up with them, because Caesar had got far before him, and
marched without baggage. But when we reached the river Genusus, the
banks being steep, their horse overtook our rear, and detained them by
bringing them to action. To oppose whom, Caesar sent his horse, and
intermixed with them about four hundred of his advanced light troops,
who attacked their horse with such success, that having routed them
all, and killed several, they returned without any loss to the main
body.

Chapter 76

Having performed the exact march which he had proposed that day, and
having led his army over the river Genusus, Caesar posted himself in
his old camp opposite Asparagium; and kept his soldiers close within
the intrenchments and ordered the horse, who had been sent out under
pretense of foraging, to retire immediately into the camp, through the
Decuman gate. Pompey, in like manner, having completed the same day's
march, took post in his old camp at Asparagium; and his soldiers, as
they had no work (the fortifications being entire), made long
excursions, some to collect wood and forage; others, invited by the
nearness of the former camp, laid up their arms in their tents, and
quitted the intrenchments in order to bring what they had left behind
them, because the design of marching being adopted in a hurry, they
had left a considerable part of their wagons and luggage behind. Being
thus incapable of pursuing, as Caesar had foreseen, about noon he gave
the signal for marching, led out his army, and doubling that day's
march, he advanced eight miles beyond Pompey's camp; who could not
pursue him, because his troops were dispersed.

Chapter 77

The next day Caesar sent his baggage forward early in the night, and
marched off himself immediately after the fourth watch: that if he
should be under the necessity of risking an engagement, he might meet
a sudden attack with an army free from incumbrance. He did so for
several days successively, by which means he was enabled to effect his
march over the deepest rivers, and through the most intricate roads
without any loss. For Pompey, after the first day's delay, and the
fatigue which he endured for some days in vain, though he exerted
himself by forced marches, and was anxious to overtake us, who had got
the start of him, on the fourth day desisted from the pursuit, and
determined to follow other measures.

Chapter 78

Caesar was obliged to go to Apollonia, to lodge his wounded, pay his
army, confirm his friends, and leave garrisons in the towns. But for
these matters, he allowed no more time than was necessary for a person
in haste. And being apprehensive for Domitius, lest he should be
surprised by Pompey's arrival, he hastened with all speed and
earnestness to join him; for he planned the operations of the whole
campaign on these principles: that if Pompey should march after him,
he would be drawn off from the sea, and from those forces which he had
provided in Dyrrachium, and separated from his corn and magazines, and
be obliged to carry on the war on equal terms; but if he crossed over
into Italy, Caesar, having effected a junction with Domitius, would
march through Illyricum to the relief of Italy; but if he endeavored
to storm Apollonia and Oricum, and exclude him from the whole coast,
he hoped, by besieging Scipio, to oblige him, of necessity, to come to
his assistance. Accordingly, Caesar dispatching couriers, writes to
Domitius, and acquaints him with his wishes on the subject: and having
stationed a garrison of four cohorts at Apollonia, one at Lissus, and
three at Oricum, besides those who were sick of their wounds, he set
forward on his march through Epirus and Acarnania. Pompey, also,
guessing at Caesar's design, determined to hasten to Scipio, that if
Caesar should march in that direction, he might be ready to relieve
him; but that if Caesar should be unwilling to quit the sea-coast and
Corcyra, because he expected legions and cavalry from Italy, he
himself might fall on Domitius with all his forces.

Chapter 79

For these reasons, each of them studied dispatch, that he might succor
his friends, and not miss an opportunity of surprising his
enemies. But Caesar's engagements at Apollonia had carried him aside
from the direct road. Pompey had taken the short road to Macedonia,
through Candavia. To this was added another unexpected disadvantage,
that Domitius, who for several days had been encamped opposite Scipio,
had quitted that post for the sake of provisions, and had marched to
Heraclea Sentica, a city subject to Candavia; so that fortune herself
seemed to throw him in Pompey's way. Of this, Caesar was ignorant up
to this time. Letters likewise being sent by Pompey through all the
provinces and states, with an account of the action at Dyrrachium,
very much enlarged and exaggerated beyond the real facts, a rumor had
been circulated, that Caesar had been defeated and forced to flee, and
had lost almost all his forces. These reports had made the roads
dangerous, and drawn off some states from his alliance: whence it
happened, that the messengers dispatched by Caesar, by several
different roads to Domitius, and by Domitius to Caesar, were not able
by any means to accomplish their journey. But the Allobroges, who were
in the retinue of Aegus and Roscillus, and who had deserted to Pompey,
having met on the road a scouting party of Domitius; either from old
acquaintance, because they had served together in Gaul, or elated with
vain glory, gave them an account of all that had happened, and
informed them of Caesar's departure, and Pompey's arrival. Domitius,
who was scarce four hours' march distant, having got intelligence from
these, by the courtesy of the enemy, avoided the danger, and met
Caesar coming to join him at Aeginium, a town on the confines of and
opposite to Thessaly.

Chapter 80

The two armies being united, Caesar marched to Gomphi, which is the
first town of Thessaly on the road from Epirus. Now, the Thessalians,
a few months before, had of themselves sent embassadors to Caesar,
offering him the free use of every thing in their power, and
requesting a garrison for their protection. But the report, already
spoken of, of the battle at Dyrrachium, which it had exaggerated in
many particulars, had arrived before him. In consequence of which,
Androsthenes, the praetor of Thessaly, as he preferred to be the
companion of Pompey's victory, rather than Caesar's associate in his
misfortunes, collected all the people, both slaves and freemen from
the country into the town and shut the gates, and dispatched
messengers to Scipio and Pompey "to come to his relief, that he could
depend on the strength of the town, if succor was speedily sent; but
that it could not withstand a long siege." Scipio, as soon as he
received advice of the departure of the armies from Dyrrachium, had
marched with his legions to Larissa: Pompey was not yet arrived near
Thessaly. Caesar having fortified his camp, ordered scaling-ladders
and pent-houses to be made for a sudden assault, and hurdles to be
provided. As soon as they were ready, he exhorted his soldiers, and
told them of what advantage it would be to assist them with all sorts
of necessaries, if they made themselves masters of a rich and
plentiful town: and, at the same time to strike terror into other
states by the example of this, and to effect this with speed, before
auxiliaries could arrive. Accordingly, taking advantage of the unusual
ardor of the soldiers, he began his assault on the town at a little
after three o'clock on the very day on which he arrived, and took it,
though defended with very high walls, before sunset, and gave it up to
his army to plunder, and immediately decamped from before it, and
marched to Metropolis, with such rapidity as to outstrip any messenger
or rumor of the taking of Gomphi.

Chapter 81

The inhabitants of Metropolis, at first influenced by the same rumors,
followed the same measures, shut the gates and manned their walls. But
when they were made acquainted with the fate of the city of Gomphi by
some prisoners, whom Caesar had ordered to be brought up to the walls,
they threw open their gates. As he preserved them with the greatest
care, there was not a state in Thessaly (except Larissa, which was
awed by a strong army of Scipio's), but on comparing the fate of the
inhabitants of Metropolis with the severe treatment of Gomphi, gave
admission to Caesar, and obeyed his orders. Having chosen a position
convenient for procuring corn, which was now almost ripe on the
ground, he determined there to wait Pompey's arrival, and to make it
the center of all his warlike operations.

Chapter 82

Pompey arrived in Thessaly a few days after, and having harangued the
combined army, returned thanks to his own men, and exhorted Scipio's
soldiers, that as the victory was now secured, they should endeavor to
merit a part of the rewards and booty. And receiving all the legions
into one camp, he shared his honors with Scipio, ordered the trumpet
to be sounded at his tent, and a pavilion to be erected for him. The
forces of Pompey being thus augmented, and two such powerful armies
united, their former expectations were confirmed, and their hopes of
victory so much increased, that whatever time intervened was
considered as so much delay to their return into Italy; and whenever
Pompey acted with slowness and caution, they used to exclaim, that it
was the business only of a single day, but that he had a passion for
power, and was delighted in having persons of consular and praetorian
rank in the number of his slaves. And they now began to dispute openly
about rewards and priesthoods, and disposed of the consulate for
several years to come. Others put in their claims for the houses and
properties of all who were in Caesar's camp, and in that council there
was a warm debate, whether Lucius Hirtius, who had been sent by Pompey
against the Parthians, should be admitted a candidate for the
praetorship in his absence at the next election; his friends imploring
Pompey's honor to fulfill the engagements which he had made to him at
his departure, that he might not seem deceived through his authority:
while others, embarked in equal labor and danger, pleaded that no
individual ought to have a preference before all the rest.

Chapter 83

Already Domitius, Scipio, and Lentulus Spinther, in their daily
quarrels about Caesar's priesthood, openly abused each other in the
most scurrilous language. Lentulus urging the respect due to his age,
Domitius boasting his interest in the city and his dignity, and Scipio
presuming on his alliance with Pompey. Attius Rufus charged Lucius
Afranius before Pompey with betraying the army in the action that
happened in Spain, and Lucius Domitius declared in the council that it
was his wish that, when the war should be ended, three billets should
be given to all the senators, who had taken part with them in the war,
and that they should pass sentence on every single person who had
staid behind at Rome, or who had been within Pompey's garrisons and
had not contributed their assistance in the military operations; that
by the first billet they should have power to acquit, by the second to
pass sentence of death, and by the third to impose a pecuniary
fine. In short, Pompey's whole army talked of nothing but the honors
or sums of money which were to be their rewards, or of vengeance on
their enemies; and never considered how they were to defeat their
enemies, but in what manner they should use their victory.

Chapter 84

Corn being provided, and his soldiers refreshed, and a sufficient time
having elapsed since the engagement at Dyrrachium, when Caesar thought
he had sufficiently sounded the disposition of his troops, he thought
that he ought to try whether Pompey had any intention or inclination
to come to a battle. Accordingly he led his troops out of the camp,
and ranged them in order of battle, at first on their own ground, and
at a small distance from Pompey's camp: but afterward for several days
in succession, he advanced from his own camp, and led them up to the
hills on which Pompey's troops were posted, which conduct inspired his
army every day with fresh courage. However he adhered to his former
purpose respecting his cavalry, for as he was by many degrees inferior
in number, he selected the youngest and most active of the advanced
guard, and desired them to fight intermixed with the horse, and they
by constant practice acquired experience in this kind of battle. By
these means it was brought to pass that a thousand of his horse would
dare even on open ground, to stand against seven thousand of Pompey's,
if occasion required, and would not be much terrified by their
number. For even on one of those days he was successful in a cavalry
action, and killed one of the two Allobrogians, who had deserted to
Pompey, as we before observed, and several others.

Chapter 85

Pompey, because he was encamped on a hill, drew up his army at the
very foot of it, ever in expectation, as may be conjectured, that
Caesar would expose himself to this disadvantageous situation. Caesar,
seeing no likelihood of being able to bring Pompey to an action,
judged it the most expedient method of conducting the war, to decamp
from that post and to be always in motion: with this hope, that by
shifting his camp and removing from place to place, he might be more
conveniently supplied with corn, and also, that by being in motion he
might get some opportunity of forcing them to battle, and might by
constant marches harass Pompey's army, which was not accustomed to
fatigue. These matters being settled, when the signal for marching was
given, and the tents struck, it was observed that shortly before,
contrary to his daily practice, Pompey's army had advanced further
than usual from his intrenchments, so that it appeared possible to
come to an action on equal ground. Then Caesar addressed himself to
his soldiers, when they were at the gates of the camp, ready to march
out. " We must defer," says he, "our march at present, and set our
thoughts on battle, which has been our constant wish; let us then meet
the foe with resolute souls. We shall not hereafter easily find such
an opportunity." He immediately marched out at the head of his troops.

Chapter 86

Pompey also, as was afterward known, at the unanimous solicitation of
his friends, had determined to try the fate of a battle. For he had
even declared in council a few days before that, before the battalions
came to battle, Caesar's army would be put to the rout. When most
people expressed their surprise at it, "I know," says he, "that I
promise a thing almost incredible; but hear the plan on which I
proceed, that you may march to battle with more confidence and
resolution. I have persuaded our cavalry, and they have engaged to
execute it, as soon as the two armies have met, to attack Caesar's
right wing on the flank, and inclosing their army on the rear, throw
them into disorder, and put them to the rout, before we shall throw a
weapon against the enemy. By this means we shall put an end to the
war, without endangering the legions, and almost without a blow. Nor
is this a difficult matter, as we far outnumber them in cavalry." At
the same time he gave them notice to be ready for battle on the day
following, and since the opportunity which they had so often wished
for was now arrived, not to disappoint the opinion generally
entertained of their experience and valor.

Chapter 87

After him Labienus spoke, as well to express his contempt of Caesar's
forces, as to extol Pompey's scheme with the highest encomiums. "Think
not, Pompey," says he, "that this is the army which conquered Gaul and
Germany; I was present at all those battles, and do not speak at
random on a subject to which I am a stranger: a very small part of
that army now remains, great numbers lost their lives, as must
necessarily happen in so many battles, many fell victims to the
autumnal pestilence in Italy, many returned home, and many were left
behind on the continent. Have you not heard that the cohorts at
Brundusium are composed of invalids? The forces which you now behold,
have been recruited by levies lately made in Hither Spain, and the
greater part from the colonies beyond the Po; moreover, the flower of
the forces perished in the two engagements at Dyrrachium." Having so
said, he took an oath, never to return to his camp unless victorious;
and he encouraged the rest to do the like. Pompey applauded his
proposal, and took the same oath; nor did any person present hesitate
to take it. After this had passed in the council they broke up full of
hopes and joy, and in imagination anticipated victory; because they
thought that in a matter of such importance, no groundless assertion
could be made by a general of such experience.

Chapter 88

When Caesar had approached near Pompey's camp, he observed that his
army was drawn up in the following manner: On the left wing were the
two legions, delivered over by Caesar at the beginning of the disputes
in compliance with the senate's decree, one of which was called the
first, the other the third. Here Pompey commanded in person. Scipio
with the Syrian legions commanded the center. The Cilician legion in
conjunction with the Spanish cohorts, which we said were brought over
by Afranius, were disposed on the right wing. These Pompey considered
his steadiest troops. The rest he had interspersed between the center
and the wing, and he had a hundred and ten complete cohorts; these
amounted to forty-five thousand men. He had besides two cohorts of
volunteers, who having received favors from him in former wars,
flocked to his standard: these were dispersed through his whole
army. The seven remaining cohorts he had disposed to protect his camp,
and the neighboring forts. His right wing was secured by a river with
steep banks; for which reason he placed all his cavalry, archers, and
slingers, on his left wing.

Chapter 89

Caesar, observing his former custom, had placed the tenth legion on
the right, the ninth on the left, although it was very much weakened
by the battles at Dyrrachium. He placed the eighth legion so close to
the ninth, as to almost make one of the two, and ordered them to
support one another. He drew up on the field eighty cohorts, making a
total of twenty-two thousand men. He left two cohorts to guard the
camp. He gave the command of the left wing to Antonius, of the right
to P. Sulla, and of the center to Cn. Domitius: he himself took his
post opposite Pompey. At the same time, fearing, from the disposition
of the enemy which we have previously mentioned, lest his right wing
might be surrounded by their numerous cavalry, he rapidly drafted a
single cohort from each of the legions composing the third line,
formed of them a fourth line, and opposed them to Pompey's cavalry,
and, acquainting them with his wishes, admonished them that the
success of that day depended on their courage. At the same time he
ordered the third line, and the entire army not to charge without his
command: that he would give the signal whenever he wished them to do
so.

Chapter 90

When he was exhorting his army to battle, according to the military
custom, and spoke to them of the favors that they had constantly
received from him, he took especial care to remind them "that he could
call his soldiers to witness the earnestness with which he had sought
peace, the efforts that he had made by Vatinius to gain a conference
[with Labienus], and likewise by Claudius to treat with Scipio, in
what manner he had exerted himself at Oricum, to gain permission from
Libo to send embassadors; that he had been always reluctant to shed
the blood of his soldiers, and did not wish to deprive the republic of
one or other of her armies." After delivering this speech, he gave by
a trumpet the signal to his soldiers, who were eagerly demanding it,
and were very impatient for the onset.

Chapter 91

There was in Caesar's army, a volunteer of the name of Crastinus, who
the year before had been first centurion of the tenth legion, a man of
pre-eminent bravery. He, when the signal was given, says, "Follow me,
my old comrades, and display such exertions in behalf of your general
as you have determined to do: this is our last battle, and when it
shall be won, he will recover his dignity, and we our liberty." At the
same time he looked back to Caesar, and said, "General, I will act in
such a manner to-day, that you will feel grateful to me living or
dead." After uttering these words he charged first on the right wing,
and about one hundred and twenty chosen volunteers of the same century
followed.

Chapter 92

There was so much space left between the two lines, as sufficed for
the onset of the hostile armies: but Pompey had ordered his soldiers
to await Caesar's attack, and not to advance from their position, or
suffer their line to be put into disorder. And he is said to have done
this by the advice of Caius Triarius, that the impetuosity of the
charge of Caesar's soldiers might be checked, and their line broken,
and that Pompey's troops remaining in their ranks, might attack them
while in disorder; and he thought that the javelins would fall with
less force if the soldiers were kept in their ground, than if they met
them in their course; at the same time he trusted that Caesar's
soldiers, after running over double the usual ground, would become
weary and exhausted by the fatigue. But to me Pompey seems to have
acted without sufficient reason: for there is a certain impetuosity of
spirit and an alacrity implanted by nature in the hearts of all men,
which is inflamed by a desire to meet the foe. This a general should
endeavor not to repress, but to increase; nor was it a vain
institution of our ancestors, that the trumpets should sound on all
sides, and a general shout be raised; by which they imagined that the
enemy were struck with terror, and their own army inspired with
courage.

Chapter 93

But our men, when the signal was given, rushed forward with their
javelins ready to be launched, but perceiving that Pompey's men did
not run to meet their charge, having acquired experience by custom,
and being practiced in former battles, they of their own accord
repressed their speed, and halted almost midway; that they might not
come up with the enemy when their strength was exhausted, and after a
short respite they again renewed their course, and threw their
javelins, and instantly drew their swords, as Caesar had ordered
them. Nor did Pompey's men fail in this crisis, for they received our
javelins, stood our charge, and maintained their ranks; and having
launched their javelins, had recourse to their swords. At the same
time Pompey's horse, according to their orders, rushed out at once
from his left wing, and his whole host of archers poured after
them. Our cavalry did not withstand their charge: but gave ground a
little, upon which Pompey's horse pressed them more vigorously, and
began to file off in troops, and flank our army. When Caesar perceived
this, he gave the signal to his fourth line, which he had formed of
the six cohorts. They instantly rushed forward and charged Pompey's
horse with such fury, that not a man of them stood; but all wheeling
about, not only quitted their post, but galloped forward to seek a
refuge in the highest mountains. By their retreat the archers and
slingers, being left destitute and defenseless, were all cut to
pieces. The cohorts, pursuing their success, wheeled about upon
Pompey's left wing, while his infantry still continued to make battle,
and attacked them in the rear.

Chapter 94

At the same time Caesar ordered his third line to advance, which till
then had not been engaged, but had kept their post. Thus, new and
fresh troops having come to the assistance of the fatigued, and others
having made an attack on their rear, Pompey's men were not able to
maintain their ground, but all fled, nor was Caesar deceived in his
opinion, that the victory, as he had declared in his speech to his
soldiers, must have its beginning from those six cohorts, which he had
placed as a fourth line to oppose the horse. For by them the cavalry
were routed; by them the archers and slingers were cut to pieces; by
them the left wing of Pompey's army was surrounded, and obliged to be
the first to flee. But when Pompey saw his cavalry routed, and that
part of his army on which he reposed his greatest hopes thrown into
confusion, despairing of the rest, he quitted the field, and retreated
straightway on horseback to his camp, and calling to the centurions,
whom he had placed to guard the praetorian gate, with a loud voice,
that the soldiers might hear: "Secure the camp," says he, "defend it
with diligence, if any danger should threaten it; I will visit the
other gates, and encourage the guards of the camp." Having thus said,
he retired into his tent in utter despair, yet anxiously waiting the
issue.

Chapter 95

Caesar having forced the Pompeians to flee into their intrenchment,
and thinking that he ought not to allow them any respite to recover
from their fright, exhorted his soldiers to take advantage of
fortune's kindness, and to attack the camp. Though they were fatigued
by the intense heat, for the battle had continued till mid-day, yet,
being prepared to undergo any labor, they cheerfully obeyed his
command. The camp was bravely defended by the cohorts which had been
left to guard it, but with much more spirit by the Thracians and
foreign auxiliaries. For the soldiers who had fled for refuge to it
from the field of battle, affrighted and exhausted by fatigue, having
thrown away their arms and military standards, had their thoughts more
engaged on their further escape than on the defense of the camp. Nor
could the troops who were posted on the battlements, long withstand
the immense number of our darts, but fainting under their wounds,
quitted the place, and under the conduct of their centurions and
tribunes, fled, without stopping, to the high mountains which joined
the camp.

Chapter 96

In Pompey's camp you might see arbors in which tables were laid, a
large quantity of plate set out, the floors of the tents covered with
fresh sods, the tents of Lucius Lentulus and others shaded with ivy,
and many other things which were proofs of excessive luxury, and a
confidence of victory, so that it might readily be inferred that they
had no apprehensions of the issue of the day, as they indulged
themselves in unnecessary pleasures, and yet upbraided with luxury
Caesar's army, distressed and suffering troops, who had always been in
want of common necessaries. Pompey, as soon as our men had forced the
trenches, mounting his horse, and stripping off his general's habit,
went hastily out of the back gate of the camp, and galloped with all
speed to Larissa. Nor did he stop there, but with the same dispatch,
collecting a few of his flying troops, and halting neither day nor
night, he arrived at the seaside, attended by only thirty horse, and
went on board a victualing barque, often complaining, as we have been
told, that he had been so deceived in his expectation, that he was
almost persuaded that he had been betrayed by those from whom he had
expected victory, as they began the fight.

Chapter 97

Caesar having possessed himself of Pompey's camp, urged his soldiers
not to be too intent on plunder, and lose the opportunity of
completing their conquest. Having obtained their consent, he began to
draw lines round the mountain. The Pompeians distrusting the position,
as there was no water on the mountain, abandoned it, and all began to
retreat toward Larissa; which Caesar perceiving, divided his troops,
and ordering part of his legions to remain in Pompey's camp, sent back
a part to his own camp, and taking four legions with him, went by a
shorter road to intercept the enemy: and having marched six miles,
drew up his army. But the Pompeians observing this, took post on a
mountain, whose foot was washed by a river. Caesar having encouraged
his troops, though they were greatly exhausted by incessant labor the
whole day, and night was now approaching, by throwing up works cut off
the communication between the river and the mountain, that the enemy
might not get water in the night. As soon as the work was finished,
they sent embassadors to treat about a capitulation. A few senators
who had espoused that party, made their escape by night.

Chapter 98

At break of day, Caesar ordered all those who had taken post on the
mountain, to come down from the higher grounds into the plain, and
pile their arms. When they did this without refusal, and with
outstretched arms, prostrating themselves on the ground, with tears,
implored his mercy: he comforted them and bade them rise, and having
spoken a few words of his own clemency to alleviate their fears, he
pardoned them all, and gave orders to his soldiers, that no injury
should be done to them, and nothing taken from them. Having used this
diligence, he ordered the legions in his camp to come and meet him,
and those which were with him to take their turn of rest, and go back
to the camp: and the same day went to Larissa

Chapter 99

In that battle, no more than two hundred privates were missing, but
Caesar lost about thirty centurions, valiant officers. Crastinus,
also, of whom mention was made before, fighting most courageously,
lost his life by the wound of a sword in the mouth; nor was that false
which he declared when marching to battle: for Caesar entertained the
highest opinion of his behavior in that battle, and thought him highly
deserving of his approbation. Of Pompey's army, there fell about
fifteen thousand; but upwards of twenty-four thousand were made
prisoners: for even the cohorts which were stationed in the forts,
surrendered to Sylla. Several others took shelter in the neighboring
states. One hundred and eighty stands of colors, and nine eagles, were
brought to Caesar. Lucius Domitius, fleeing from the camp to the
mountains, his strength being exhausted by fatigue, was killed by the
horse.

Chapter 100

About this time, Decimus Laelius arrived with his fleet at Brundusium
and in the same manner, as Libo had done before, possessed himself of
an island opposite the harbor of Brundusium. In like manner, Valinius,
who was then governor of Brundusium, with a few decked barks,
endeavored to entice Laelius's fleet, and took one five-banked galley
and two smaller vessels that had ventured further than the rest into a
narrow part of the harbor: and likewise disposing the horse along the
shore, strove to prevent the enemy from procuring fresh water. But
Laelius having chosen a more convenient season of the year for his
expedition, supplied himself with water brought in transports from
Corcyra and Dyrrachium, and was not deterred from his purpose; and
till he had received advice of the battle in Thessaly, he could not be
forced either by the disgrace of losing his ships, or by the want of
necessaries, to quit the port and islands.

Chapter 101

Much about the same time, Cassius arrived in Sicily with a fleet of
Syrians, Phoenicians, and Cicilians: and as Caesar's fleet was divided
into two parts, Publius Sulpicius the praetor commanding one division
at Vibo near the straits, Pomponius the other at Messana, Cassius got
into Messana with his fleet, before Pomponius had notice of his
arrival, and having found him in disorder, without guards or
discipline, and the wind being high and favorable, he filled several
transports with fir, pitch, and tow, and other combustibles, and sent
them against Pomponius's fleet, and set fire to all his ships,
thirty-five in number, twenty of which were armed with beaks: and this
action struck such terror that though there was a legion in garrison
at Messana, the town with difficulty held out, and had not the news of
Caesar's victory been brought at that instant by the horse stationed-
along the coast, it was generally imagined that it would have been
lost, but the town was maintained till the news arrived very
opportunely: and Cassius set sail from thence to attack Sulpicius's
fleet at Vibo, and our ships being moored to the land, to strike the
same terror, he acted in the same manner as before. The wind being
favorable, he sent into the port about forty ships provided with
combustibles, and the flame catching on both sides, five ships were
burned to ashes. And when the fire began to spread wider by the
violence of the wind, the soldiers of the veteran legions, who had
been left to guard the fleet, being considered as invalids, could not
endure the disgrace, but of themselves went on board the ships and
weighed anchor, and having attacked Cassius's fleet, captured two
five-banked galleys, in one of which was Cassius himself; but he made
his escape by taking to a boat. Two three-banked galleys were taken
besides. Intelligence was shortly after received of the action in
Thessaly, so well authenticated, that the Pompeians themselves gave
credit to it; for they had hitherto believed it a fiction of Caesar's
lieutenants and friends. Upon which intelligence Cassius departed with
his fleet from that coast.

Chapter 102

Caesar thought he ought to postpone all business and pursue Pompey,
whithersoever he should retreat; that he might not be able to provide
fresh forces, and renew the war; he therefore marched on every day, as
far as his cavalry were able to advance, and ordered one legion to
follow him by shorter journeys. A proclamation was issued by Pompey at
Amphipolis, that all the young men of that province, Grecians and
Roman citizens, should take the military oath; but whether he issued
it with an intention of preventing suspicion, and to conceal as long
as possible his design of fleeing further, or to endeavor to keep
possession of Macedonia by new levies, if nobody pursued him, it is
impossible to judge. He lay at anchor one night, and calling together
his friends in Amphipolis, and collecting a sum of money for his
necessary expenses, upon advice of Caesar's approach, set sail from
that place, and arrived in a few days at Mitylene. Here he was
detained two days, and having added a few galleys to his fleet he went
to Cilicia, and thence to Cyprus. There he is informed that, by the
consent of all the inhabitants of Antioch and Roman citizens who
traded there, the castle had been seized to shut him out of the town;
and that messengers had been dispatched to all those who were reported
to have taken refuge in the neighboring states, that they should not
come to Antioch; that if they did, that it would be attended with
imminent danger to their lives. The same thing had happened to Lucius
Lentulus, who had been consul the year before, and to Publius Lentulus
a consular senator, and to several others at Rhodes, who having
followed Pompey in his flight, and arrived at the island, were not
admitted into the town or port; and having received a message to leave
that neighborhood, set sail much against their will; for the rumor of
Caesar's approach had now reached those states.

Chapter 103

Pompey, being informed of these proceedings, laid aside his design of
going to Syria, and having taken the public money from the farmers of
the revenue, and borrowed more from some private friends, and having
put on board his ships a large quantity of brass for military
purposes, and two thousand armed men, whom he partly selected from the
slaves of the tax farmers, and partly collected from the merchants,
and such persons as each of his friends thought fit on this occasion,
he sailed for Pelusium. It happened that king Ptolemy, a minor, was
there with a considerable army, engaged in war with his sister
Cleopatra, whom a few months before, by the assistance of his
relations and friends, he had expelled from the kingdom; and her camp
lay at a small distance from his. To him Pompey applied to be
permitted to take refuge in Alexandria, and to be protected in his
calamity by his powerful assistance, in consideration of the
friendship and amity which had subsisted between his father and
him. But Pompey's deputies having executed their commission, began to
converse with less restraint with the king's troops, and to advise
them to act with friendship to Pompey, and not to think meanly of his
bad fortune. In Ptolemy's army were several of Pompey's soldiers, of
whom Gabinius had received the command in Syria, and had brought them
over to Alexandria, and at the conclusion of the war had left with
Ptolemy the father of the young king.

Chapter 104

The king's friends, who were regents of the kingdom during the
minority, being informed of these things, either induced by fear, as
they afterward declared, lest Pompey should corrupt the king's army,
and seize on Alexandria and Egypt; or despising his bad fortune, as in
adversity friends commonly change to enemies, in public gave a
favorable answer to his deputies, and desired him to come to the king;
but secretly laid a plot against him, and dispatched Achillas, captain
of the king's guards, a man of singular boldness, and Lucius Septimius
a military tribune to assassinate him. Being kindly addressed by them,
and deluded by an acquaintance with Septimius, because in the war with
the pirates the latter had commanded a company under him, he embarked
in a small boat with a few attendants, and was there murdered by
Achillas and Septimius. In like manner, Lucius Lentulus was seized by
the king's order, and put to death in prison.

Chapter 105

When Caesar arrived in Asia, he found that Titus Ampius had attempted
to remove the money from the temple of Diana at Ephesus; and for this
purpose had convened all the senators in the province that he might
have them to attest the sum, but was interrupted by Caesar's arrival,
and had made his escape. Thus, on two occasions, Caesar saved the
money of Ephesus. It was also remarked at Elis, in the temple of
Minerva, upon calculating and enumerating the days, that on the very
day on which Caesar had gained his battle, the image of Victory which
was placed before Minerva, and faced her statue, turned about toward
the portal and entrance of the temple; and the same day, at Antioch in
Syria, such a shout of an army and sound of trumpets was twice heard
that the citizens ran in arms to the walls. The same thing happened at
Ptolemais; a sound of drums too was heard at Pergamus, in the private
and retired parts of the temple, into which none but the priests are
allowed admission, and which the Greeks call Adyta (the inaccessible),
and likewise at Tralles, in the temple of Victory, in which there
stood a statue consecrated to Caesar; a palm-tree at that time was
shown that had sprouted up from the pavement, through the joints of
the stones, and shot up above the roof.

Chapter 106

After a few days' delay in Asia, Caesar, having heard that Pompey had
been seen in Cyprus, and conjecturing that he had directed his course
into Egypt, on account of his connection with that kingdom, set out
for Alexandria with two legions (one of which he ordered to follow him
from Thessaly, the other he called in from Achaia, from Fufius, the
lieutenant general), and with eight hundred horse, ten ships of war
from Rhodes, and a few from Asia. These legions amounted but to three
thousand two hundred men; the rest, disabled by wounds received in
various battles, by fatigue and the length of their march, could not
follow him. But Caesar, relying on the fame of his exploits, did not
hesitate to set forward with a feeble force, and thought that he would
be secure in any place. At Alexandria he was informed of the death of
Pompey: and at his landing there, heard a cry among the soldiers whom
the king had left to garrison the town, and saw a crowd gathering
toward him, because the fasces were carried before him; for this the
whole multitude thought an infringement of the king's dignity. Though
this tumult was appeased, frequent disturbances were raised for
several days successively, by crowds of the populace, and a great many
of his soldiers were killed in all parts of the city.

Chapter 107

Having observed this, he ordered other legions to be brought to him
from Asia, which he had made up out of Pompey's soldiers; for he was
himself detained against his will, by the etesian winds, which are
totally unfavorable to persons on a voyage from Alexandria. In the
mean time, considering that the disputes of the princes belonged to
the jurisdiction of the Roman people, and of him as consul, and that
it was a duty more incumbent on him, as in his former consulate a
league had been made with Ptolemy the late king, under sanction both
of a law and a decree of the senate, he signified that it was his
pleasure that king Ptolemy, and his sister Cleopatra, should disband
their armies, and decide their disputes in his presence by justice,
rather than by the sword.

Chapter 108

A eunuch named Pothinus, the boy's tutor, was regent of the kingdom on
account of his youthfulness. He at first began to complain among his
friends, and to express his indignation, that the king should be
summoned to plead his cause: but afterward, having prevailed on some
of those whom he had made acquainted with his views to join him he
secretly called the army away from Pelusium to Alexandria, and
appointed Achillas, already spoken of, commander-in-chief of the
forces. Him he encouraged and animated by promises both in his own and
the king's name, and instructed him both by letters and messages how
he should act. By the will of Ptolemy the father, the elder of his two
sons and the more advanced in years of his two daughters were declared
his heirs, and for the more effectual performance of his intention, in
the same will he conjured the Roman people by all the gods, and by the
league which he had entered into at Rome, to see his will
executed. One of the copies of his will was conveyed to Rome by his
embassadors to be deposited in the treasury, but the public troubles
preventing it, it was lodged with Pompey: another was left sealed up,
and kept at Alexandria.

Chapter 109

While these things were debated before Caesar, and he was very anxious
to settle the royal disputes as a common friend and arbitrator; news
was brought on a sudden that the king's army and all his cavalry, were
on their march to Alexandria. Caesar's forces were by no means so
strong that he could trust to them, if he had occasion to hazard a
battle without the town. His only resource was to keep within the town
in the most convenient places, and get information of Achillas's
designs. However he ordered his soldiers to repair to their arms; and
advised the king to send some of his friends, who had the greatest
influence, as deputies to Achillas, and to signify his royal
pleasure. Dioscorides and Serapion, the persons sent by him, who had
both been embassadors at Rome, and had been in great esteem with
Ptolemy the father, went to Achillas. But as soon as they appeared in
his presence, without hearing them, or learning the occasion of their
coming, he ordered them to be seized and put to death. One of them,
after receiving a wound, was taken up and carried off by his
attendants as dead: the other was killed on the spot. Upon this,
Caesar took care to secure the king's person, both supposing that the
king's name would have a great influence with his subjects, and to
give the war the appearance of the scheme of a few desperate men,
rather than of having been begun by the king's consent.

Chapter 110

The forces under Achillas did not seem despicable, either for number,
spirit, or military experience; for he had twenty thousand men under
arms. They consisted partly of Gabinius's soldiers, who were now
become habituated to the licentious mode of living at Alexandria, and
had forgotten the name and discipline of the Roman people, and had
married wives there, by whom the greatest part of them had
children. To these was added a collection of highwaymen, and
freebooters, from Syria, and the province of Cilicia, and the adjacent
countries. Besides several convicts and transports had been collected:
for at Alexandria all our runaway slaves were sure of finding
protection for their persons on the condition that they should give in
their names, and enlist as soldiers: and if any of them was
apprehended by his master, he was rescued by a crowd of his fellow
soldiers, who being involved in the same guilt, repelled, at the
hazard of their lives, every violence offered to any of their
body. These by a prescriptive privilege of the Alexandrian army, used
to demand the king's favorites to be put to death, pillage the
properties of the rich to increase their pay, invest the king's
palace, banish some from the kingdom, and recall others from
exile. Besides these, there were two thousand horse, who had acquired
the skill of veterans by being in several wars in Alexandria. These
had restored Ptolemy the father to his kingdom, had killed Bibulus's
two sons; and had been engaged in war with the Egyptians; such was
their experience in military affairs.

Chapter 111

Full of confidence in his troops, and despising the small number of
Caesar's soldiers, Achillas seized Alexandria, except that part of the
town which Caesar occupied with his troops. At first he attempted to
force the palace; but Caesar had disposed his cohorts through the
streets, and repelled his attack. At the same time there was an action
at the port: where the contest was maintained with the greatest
obstinacy. For the forces were divided, and the fight maintained in
several streets at once, and the enemy endeavored to seize with a
strong party the ships of war; of which fifty had been sent to
Pompey's assistance, but after the battle in Thessaly, had returned
home. They were all of either three or five banks of oars, well
equipped and appointed with every necessary for a voyage. Besides
these, there were twenty-two vessels with decks, which were usually
kept at Alexandria, to guard the port. If they made themselves masters
of these, Caesar being deprived of his fleet, they would have the
command of the port and whole sea, and could prevent him from
procuring provisions and auxiliaries. Accordingly that spirit was
displayed, which ought to be displayed when the one party saw that a
speedy victory depended on the issue, and the other their safety. But
Caesar gained the day, and set fire to all those ships, and to others
which were in the docks, because he could not guard so many places
with so small a force; and immediately he conveyed some troops to the
Pharos by his ships.

Chapter 112

The Pharos is a tower on an island, of prodigious height, built with
amazing works, and takes its name from the island. This island lying
over against Alexandria, forms a harbor; but on the upper side it is
connected with the town by a narrow way eight hundred paces in length,
made by piles sunk in the sea, and by a bridge. In this island some of
the Egyptians have houses, and a village as large as a town; and
whatever ships from any quarter, either through mistaking the channel,
or by the storm, have been driven from their course upon the coast,
they constantly plunder like pirates. And without the consent of those
who are masters of the Pharos, no vessels can enter the harbor, on
account of its narrowness. Caesar being greatly alarmed on this
account, while the enemy were engaged in battle, landed his soldiers,
seized the Pharos, and placed a garrison in it. By this means he
gained this point, that he could be supplied without danger with corn,
and auxiliaries; for he sent to all the neighboring countries, to
demand supplies. In other parts of the town, they fought so
obstinately, that they quitted the field with equal advantage, and
neither were beaten (in consequence of the narrowness of the passes);
and a few being killed on both sides, Caesar secured the most
necessary posts, and fortified them in the night. In this quarter of
the town was a wing of the king's palace, in which Caesar was lodged
on his first arrival, and a theater adjoining the house which served
as for citadel, and commanded an avenue to the ports and other
docks. These fortifications he increased during the succeeding days,
that he might have them before him as a rampart, and not be obliged to
fight against his will. In the mean time Ptolemy's younger daughter,
hoping the throne would become vacant, made her escape from the palace
to Achillas, and assisted him in prosecuting the war. But they soon
quarreled about the command, which circumstance enlarged the presents
to the soldiers, for each endeavored by great sacrifices to secure
their affection. While the enemy was thus employed, Pothinus, tutor to
the young king, and regent of the kingdom, who was in Caesar's part of
the town, sent messengers to Achillas, and encouraged him not to
desist from his enterprise, nor to despair of success; but his
messengers being discovered and apprehended, he was put to death by
Caesar. Such was the commencement of the Alexandrian war.