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Caius Marius
By Plutarch

(died 86 B.C.E.)


Translated by John Dryden

We are altogether ignorant of any third name of Caius Marius; as
also of Quintus Sertorius, that possessed himself of Spain or of Lucius
Mummius that destroyed Corinth, though this last was surnamed Achaicus
from his conquests, as Scipio was called Africanus, and Metellus,
Macedonicus. Hence Posidonius draws his chief argument to confute
those that hold the third to be the Roman proper name, as Camillus,
Marcellus, Cato; as in this case, those that had but two names would
have no proper name at all. He did not, however, observe that by his
own reasoning he must rob the women absolutely of their names; for
none of them have the first, which Posidonius imagines the proper
name with the Romans. Of the other two, one was common to the whole
family, Pompeii, Manlii, Cornelii (as with us Greeks, the Heraclidae,
and Pelopidae), the other titular, and personal, taken either from
their natures, or actions, or bodily characteristics, as Macrinus,
Torquatus, Sylla; such as are Mnemon, Grypus, or Callinicus among
the Greeks. On the subject of names, however, the irregularity of
custom, would we insist upon it, might furnish us with discourse enough.

There is a likeness of Marius in stone at Ravenna, in Gaul, which
I myself saw quite corresponding with that roughness of character
that is ascribed to him. Being naturally valiant and warlike, and
more acquainted also with the discipline of the camp than of the city,
he could not moderate his passion when in authority. He is said never
to have either studied Greek, or to have use of that language in any
matter of consequence; thinking it ridiculous to bestow time in that
learning, the teachers of which were little better than slaves. So
after his second triumph, when at the dedication of a temple he presented
some shows after the Greek fashion, coming into the theatre, he only
sat down and immediately departed. And, accordingly, as Plato used
to say to Xenocrates the philosopher, who was thought to show more
than ordinary harshness of disposition, "I pray you, good Xenocrates,
sacrifice to the Graces;" so if any could have persuaded Marius to
pay his devotions to the Greek Muses and Graces, he had never brought
his incomparable actions, both in war and peace, to so unworthy a
conclusion, or wrecked himself, so to say, upon an old age of cruelty
and vindictiveness, through passion, ill-timed ambition, and insatiable
cupidity. But this will further appear by and by from the facts.

He was born of parents altogether obscure and indigent, who supported
themselves by their daily labour; his father of the same name with
himself, his mother called Fulcinia. He had spent a considerable part
of his life before he saw and tasted the pleasures of the city; having
passed previously in Cirrhaeaton, a village of the territory of Arpinum,
a life, compared with city delicacies, rude and unrefined, yet temperate,
and conformable to the ancient Roman severity. He first served as
a soldier in the war against the Celtiberians, when Scipio Africanus
besieged Numantia; where he signalized himself to his general by courage
far above his comrades, and particularly by his cheerfully complying
with Scipio's reformation of his army, being almost ruined by pleasures
and luxury. It is stated, too, that he encountered and vanquished
an enemy in single combat, in his general's sight. In consequence
of all this he had several honours conferred upon him; and once when
at an entertainment a question arose about commanders, and one of
the company (whether really desirous to know, or only in complaisance)
asked Scipio where the Romans, after him, should obtain such another
general, Scipio, gently clapping Marius on the shoulder as he sat
next him, replied, "Here, perhaps." So promising was his early youth
of his future greatness, and so discerning was Scipio to detect the
distant future in the present first beginnings. It was this speech
of Scipio, we are told, which, like a divine admonition, chiefly emboldened
Marius to aspire to a political career. He sought, and by the assistance
of Caecilius Metellus, of whose family he as well as his father were
dependents, obtained the office of tribune of the people. In which
place, when he brought forward a bill for the regulation of voting,
which seemed likely to lessen the authority of the great men in the
courts of justice, the consul Cotta opposed him, and persuaded the
senate to declare against the law, and called Marius to account for
it. He, however, when this decree was prepared, coming into the senate,
did not behave like a young man newly and undeservedly advanced to
authority, but, assuming all the courage that his future actions would
have warranted, threatened Cotta, unless he recalled the decree, to
throw him into prison. And on his turning to Metellus, and asking
his vote, and Metellus, rising up to concur with the consul, Marius,
calling for the officer outside, commanded him to take Metellus into
custody. He appealed to the other tribunes, but not one of them assisted
him; so that the senate, immediately complying, withdrew the decree.
Marius came forth with glory to the people and confirmed his law,
and was henceforth esteemed a man of undaunted courage and assurance,
as well as a vigorous opposer of the senate in favour of the commons.
But he immediately lost their opinion of him by a contrary action;
for when a law for the distribution of corn was proposed, he vigorously
and successfully resisted it, making himself equally honoured by both
parties, in gratifying neither, contrary to the public interest.

After his tribuneship, he was candidate for the office of chief aedile;
there being two orders of them, one the curules, from the stool with
crooked feet on which they sat when they performed their duty; the
other and inferior, called aediles of the people. As soon as they
have chosen the former, they give their voices again for the latter.
Marius, finding he was likely to be put by for the greater, immediately
changed and stood for the less; but because he seemed too forward
and hot, he was disappointed of that also. And yet though he was in
one day twice frustrated of his desired preferment (which never happened
to any before), yet he was not at all discouraged, but a little while
after sought for the praetorship and was nearly suffering a repulse,
and then, too, though he was returned last of all, was nevertheless
accused of bribery. 

Cassius Sabaco's servant, who was observed within the rails among
those who voted, chiefly occasioned the suspicion, as Sabaco was an
intimate friend of Marius; but on being called to appear before the
judges, he alleged, that being thirsty by reason of the heat, he called
for cold water, and that his servant brought him a cup, and as soon
as he had drunk, departed; he was, however, excluded from the senate
by the succeeding censors, and not undeservedly either, as was thought,
whether it might be for his false evidence, or his want of temperance.
Caius Herennius was also cited to appear as evidence, but pleaded
that it was not customary for a patron (the Roman word for protector)
to witness against his clients, and that the law excused them from
that harsh duty; and both Marius and his parents had always been clients
to the family of Herennii. And when the judges would have accepted
of this plea, Marius himself opposed it, and told Herennius, that
when he was first created magistrate he ceased to be his client; which
was not altogether true. For it is not every office that frees clients
and their posterity from the observance due to their patrons, but
only those to which the law has assigned a curule chair. Notwithstanding,
though at the beginning of the suit it went somewhat hard with Marius,
and he found the judges no way favourable to him, yet at last, their
voices being equal, contrary to all expectation, he was acquitted.

In his praetorship he did not get much honour, yet after it he obtained
the further Spain; which province he is said to have cleared of robbers,
with which it was much infested, the old barbarous habits still prevailing,
and the Spaniards, in those days, still regarding robbery as a piece
of valour. In the city he had neither riches nor eloquence to trust
to, with which the leading men of the time obtained power with the
people, but his vehement disposition, his indefatigable labours, and
his plain way of living, of themselves gained him esteem and influence;
so that he made an honourable match with Julia, of the distinguished
family of the Caesars, to whom that Caesar was nephew who was afterwards
so great among the Romans, and, in some degree, from his relationship,
made Marius his example, as in his life we have observed.

Marius is praised for both temperance and endurance, of which latter
he gave a decided instance in an operation of surgery. For having,
as it seems, both his legs full of great tumours, and disliking the
deformity, he determined to put himself into the hands of an operator;
when, without being tied, he stretched out one of his legs, and silently,
without changing countenance, endured most excessive torments in the
cutting, never either flinching or complaining; but when the surgeon
went to the other, he declined to have it done, saying, "I see the
cure is not worth the pain." 

The consul Caecilius Metellus, being declared general in the war against
Jugurtha in Africa took with him Marius for lieutenant; where, eager
himself to do great deeds and services that would get him distinction,
he did not, like others, consult Metellus's glory and the serving
his interest, and attributing his honour of lieutenancy not to Metellus,
but to fortune, which had presented him with a proper opportunity
and theatre of great actions, he exerted his utmost courage. That
war, too, affording several difficulties, he neither declined the
greatest, nor disdained undertaking the least of them, but surpassing
his equals in counsel and conduct, and matching the very common soldiers
in labour and abstemiousness, he gained great popularity with them;
as indeed any voluntary partaking with people in their labour is felt
as an easing of that labour, as it seems to take away the constraint
and necessity of it. It is the most obliging sight in the world to
the Roman soldier to see a commander eat the same bread as himself,
or lie upon an ordinary bed, or assist the work in the drawing a trench
and raising a bulwark. For they do not so much admire those that confer
honours and riches upon them, as those that partake of the same labour
and danger with themselves; but love them better that will vouchsafe
to join in their work, than those that encourage their idleness.

Marius thus employed, and thus winning the affections of the soldiers,
before long filled both Africa and Rome with his fame, and some, too,
wrote home from the army that the war with Africa would never be brought
to a conclusion unless they chose Caius Marius consul. All which was
evidently unpleasing to Metellus; but what more especially grieved
him was the calamity of Turpillius. This Turpillius had, from his
ancestors, been a friend of Metellus, and kept up a constant hospitality
with him, and was now serving in the war in command of the smiths
and carpenters of the army. Having the charge of a garrison in Vaga,
a considerable city, and trusting too much to the inhabitants, because
he treated them civilly and kindly, he unawares fell into the enemy's
hands. They received Jugurtha into the city; yet nevertheless, at
their request, Turpillius was dismissed safe and without receiving
any injury; whereupon he was accused of betraying it to the enemy.
Marius, being one of the council of war, was not only violent against
him himself, but also incensed most of the others, so that Metellus
was forced, much against his will, to put him to death. Not long after
the accusation proved false, and when others were comforting Metellus,
who took heavily the loss of his friend, Marius, rather insulting
and arrogating it to himself, boasted in all companies that he had
involved Metellus in the guilt of putting his friend to death.

Henceforward they were at open variance; and it is reported that Metellus
once, when Marius was present, said insultingly, "You, sir, design
to leave us to go home and stand for the consulship, and will not
be content to wait and be consul with this boy of mine?" Metellus's
son being a mere boy at the time. Yet for all this Marius being very
importunate to be gone, after several delays, he was dismissed about
twelve days before the election of consuls; and performed that long
journey from the camp to the seaport of Utica in two days and a night,
and there doing sacrifice before he went on shipboard, it is said
the augur told him that heaven promised him some incredible good fortune,
and such as was beyond all expectation. Marius, not a little elated
with his good omen, began his voyage, and in four days, with a favourable
wind, passed the sea; he was welcomed with great joy by the people,
and being brought into the assembly by one of the tribunes, sued for
the consulship, inveighing in all ways against Metellus, and promising
either to slay Jugurtha or take him alive. 

He was elected triumphantly, and at once proceeded to levy soldiers
contrary both to law and custom, enlisting slaves and poor people;
whereas former commanders never accepted of such, but bestowed arms,
like other favours, as a matter of distinction, on persons who had
the proper qualification, a man's property being thus a sort of security
for his good behaviour. These were not the only occasions of ill-will
against Marius; some haughty speeches, uttered with great arrogance
and contempt, gave great offence to the nobility; as, for example,
his saying that he had carried off the consulship as a spoil from
the effeminacy of the wealthy and high-born citizens, and telling
the people that he gloried in wounds he had himself received for them,
as much as others did in the monuments of dead men, and images of
their ancestors. Often speaking of the commanders that had been unfortunate
in Africa, naming Bestia, for example, and Albinus, men of very good
families, but unfit for war, and who had miscarried through want of
experience, he asked the people about him if they did not think that
the ancestors of these nobles had much rather have left a descendant
like him, since they themselves grew famous not by nobility, but by
their valour and great actions? This he did not say merely out of
vanity and arrogance, or that he were willing, without any advantage,
to offend the nobility; but the people always delighting in affronts
and scurrilous contumelies against the senate, making boldness of
speech their measure of greatness of spirit, continually encouraged
him in it, and strengthened his inclination not to spare persons of
repute, so he might gratify the multitude. 

As soon as he arrived again in Africa, Metellus, no longer able to
control his feelings of jealousy, and his indignation that now when
he had really finished the war, and nothing was left but to secure
the person of Jugurtha, Marius, grown great merely through his ingratitude
to him, should come to bereave him both of his victory and triumph,
could not bear to have any interview with him; but retired himself,
whilst Rutilius, his lieutenant, surrendered up the army to Marius,
whose conduct, however, in the end of the war, met with some sort
of retribution, as Sylla deprived him of the glory of the action as
he had done Metellus. I shall state the circumstances briefly here
as they are given at large in the life of Sylla. Bocchus was king
of the more distant barbarians, and was father-in-law to Jugurtha,
yet sent him little or no assistance in his war, professing fears
of his unfaithfulness, and really jealous of his growing power; but
after Jugurtha fled, and in his distress came to him as his last hope,
he received him as a suppliant, rather because ashamed to do otherwise
than out of real kindness; and when he had him in his power, he openly
entreated Marius on his behalf, and interceded for him with bold words,
giving out that he would by no means deliver him. Yet privately designing
to betray him, he sent for Lucius Sylla, quaestor to Marius, and who
had on a previous occasion befriended Bocchus in the war. When Sylla,
relying on his word, came to him, the African began to doubt and repent
of his purpose, and for several days was unresolved with himself,
whether he should deliver Jugurtha or retain Sylla; at length he fixed
upon his former treachery, and put Jugurtha alive into Sylla's possession.
Thus was the first occasion given of that fierce and implacable hostility
which so nearly ruined the whole Roman empire. For many that envied
Marius attributed the success wholly to Sylla, and Sylla himself got
a seal made, on which was engraved Bocchus betraying Jugurtha to him,
and constantly used it, irritating the hot and jealous temper of Marius,
who was naturally greedy of distinction, and quick to resent any claim
to share in his glory, and whose enemies took care to promote the
quarrel, ascribing the beginning and chief business of the war to
Metellus and its conclusion to Sylla; that so the people might give
over admiring and esteeming Marius as the worthiest person.

But these envyings and calumnies were soon dispersed and cleared away
from Marius by the danger that threatened Italy from the west; when
the city, in great need of a good commander, sought about whom she
might set at the helm to meet the tempest of so great a war, no one
would have anything to say to any members of noble or potent families
who offered themselves for the consulship, and Marius, though then
absent, was elected. 

Jugurtha's apprehension was only just known, when the news of the
invasion of the Teutones and Cimbri began. The accounts at first exceeded
all credit, as to the number and strength of the approaching army,
but in the end report proved much inferior to truth, as they were
three hundred thousand effective fighting men, besides a far greater
number of women and children. They professed to be seeking new countries
to sustain these great multitudes, and cities where they might settle
and inhabit, in the same way as they had heard the Celti before them
had driven out the Tyrrhenians, and possessed themselves of the best
part of Italy. Having had no commerce with the southern nations, and
travelling over a wide extent of country, no man knew what people
they were, or whence they came, that thus like a cloud burst over
Gaul and Italy; yet by their grey eyes and the largeness of their
stature they were conjectured to be some of the German races dwelling
by the northern sea; besides that, the Germans call plunderers Cimbri.

There are some that say that the country of the Celti, in its vast
size and extent, reaches from the furthest sea and the arctic regions
to the lake Maeotis eastward, and to that part of Scythia which is
near Pontus, and that there the nations mingle together; that they
did not swarm out of their country all at once, or on a sudden, but
advancing by force of arms, in the summer season, every year, in the
course of time they crossed the whole continent. And thus, though
each party had several appellations, yet the whole army was called
by the common name of Celto-Scythians. Others say that the Cimmerii,
anciently known to the Greeks, were only a small part of the nation,
who were driven out upon some quarrel among the Scythians, and passed
all along from the lake Maeotis to Asia, under the conduct of one
Lygdamis; and that the greater and more warlike part of them still
inhabit the remotest regions lying upon the outer ocean. These, they
say, live in a dark and woody country hardly penetrable by the sunbeams,
the trees are so close and thick, extending into the interior as far
as the Hercynian forest; and their position on the earth is under
that part of heaven where the pole is so elevated that, by the declination
of the parallels, the zenith of the inhabitants seems to be but little
distant from it; and that their days and nights being almost of an
equal length, they divide their year into one of each. This was Homer's
occasion for the story of Ulysses calling up the dead, and from this
region the people, anciently called Cimmerii, and afterwards, by an
easy change, Cimbri, came into Italy. All this, however, is rather
conjecture than an authentic history. 

Their numbers, most writers agree, were not less, but rather greater
than was reported. They were of invincible strength and fierceness
in their wars, and hurried into battle with the violence of a devouring
flame; none could withstand them: all they assaulted became their
prey. Several of the greatest Roman commanders with their whole armies,
that advanced for the defence of Transalpine Gaul, were ingloriously
overthrown, and, indeed, by their faint resistance, chiefly gave them
the impulse of marching towards Rome. Having vanquished all they had
met, and found abundance of plunder, they resolved to settle themselves
nowhere till they should have razed the city and wasted all Italy.
The Romans, being from all parts alarmed with this news, sent for
Marius to undertake the war, and nominated him the second time consul,
though the law did not permit any one that was absent, or that had
not waited a certain time after his first consulship, to be again
created. But the people rejected all opposers, for they considered
this was not the first time that the law gave place to the common
interest; nor the present occasion less urgent than that when, contrary
to law, they made Scipio consul, not in fear for the destruction of
their own city, but desiring the ruin of that of the Carthaginians.

Thus it was decided; and Marius, bringing over his legions out of
Africa on the very first day of January, which the Romans count the
beginning of the year, received the consulship, and then, also, entered
in triumph, showing Jugurtha a prisoner to the people, a sight they
had despaired of ever beholding, nor could any, so long as he lived,
hope to reduce the enemy in Africa; so fertile in expedients was he
to adapt himself to every turn of fortune, and so bold as well as
subtle. When, however, he was led in triumph, it is said that he fell
distracted, and when he was afterwards thrown into prison, where some
tore off his clothes by force, and others, whilst they struggled for
his golden earring, with it pulled off the tip of his ear, and when
he was, after this, cast naked into the dungeon, in his amazement
and confusion, with a ghastly laugh, he cried out, "O Hercules! how
cold your bath is!" Here for six days struggling with hunger, and
to the very last minute desirous of life, he was overtaken by the
just reward of his villainies. In this triumph was brought, as is
stated, of gold three thousand and seven pounds weight, of silver
bullion five thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, of money in
gold and silver coin two hundred and eighty-seven thousand drachmas.
After the solemnity, Marius called together the senate in the capitol,
and entered, whether through inadvertency or unbecoming exultation
with his good fortune, in his triumphal habit; but presently observing
the senate offended at it, went out, and returned in his ordinary
purple-bordered robe. 

On the expedition he carefully disciplined and trained his army whilst
they were on their way, giving them practice in long marches, and
running of every sort, and compelling every man to carry his own baggage
and prepare his own victuals; insomuch that thenceforward laborious
soldiers, who did their work silently without grumbling, had the name
of "Marius's mules." Some, however, think the proverb had a different
occasion; that when Scipio besieged Numantia, and was careful to inspect
not only their horses and arms, but their mules and carriages too,
and see how well equipped and in what readiness each one's was, Marius
brought forth his horse which he had fed extremely well, and a mule
in better case, stronger and gentler than those of others; that the
general was very well pleased, and often afterwards mentioned Marius's
beasts; and that hence the soldiers, when speaking jestingly in the
praise of a drudging laborious fellow, called him Marius's mule.

But to proceed; very great fortune seemed to attend Marius, for by
the enemy in a manner changing their course, and falling first upon
Spain, he had time to exercise his soldiers, and confirm their courage,
and, which was most important, to show them what he himself was. For
that fierce manner of his in command, and inexorableness in punishing,
when his men became used not to do amiss or disobey, was felt to be
wholesome and advantageous, as well as just, and his violent spirit,
stern voice, and harsh aspect, which in a little while grew familiar
to them, they esteemed terrible not to themselves, but only to their
enemies. But his uprightness in judging more especially pleased the
soldiers, one remarkable instance of which is as follows. One Caius
Lusius, his own nephew, had a command under him in the army, a man
not in other respects of bad character, but shamefully licentious
with young men. He had one young man under his command called Trebonius,
with whom notwithstanding many solicitations he could never prevail.
At length one night he sent a messenger for him and Trebonius came,
as it was not lawful for him to refuse when he was sent for, and being
brought into his tent, when Lusius began to use violence with him,
he drew his sword and ran him through. This was done whilst Marius
was absent. When he returned, he appointed Trebonius a time for his
trial, where, whilst many accused him, and not any one appeared in
his defence, he himself boldly related the whole matter, and brought
witness of his previous conduct to Lusius, who had frequently offered
him considerable presents. Marius, admiring his conduct and much pleased,
commanded the garland, the usual Roman reward of valour, to be brought,
and himself crowned Trebonius with it, as having performed an excellent
action, at a time that very much wanted such good examples.

This being told at Rome, proved no small help to Marius towards his
third consulship; to which also conduced the expectation of the barbarians
at the summer season, the people being unwilling to trust their fortunes
with any other general but him. However, their arrival was not so
early as was imagined, and the time of Marius's consulship was again
expired. The election coming on, and his colleague being dead, he
left the command of the army to Manius Aquilius, and hastened to Rome,
where, several eminent persons being candidates for the consulship,
Lucius Saturninus, who more than any of the other tribunes swayed
the populace, and of whom Marius himself was very observant, exerted
his eloquence with the people, advising them to choose Marius consul.
He playing the modest part, and professing to decline the office,
Saturninus called him traitor to his country if, in such apparent
danger, he would avoid command. And though it was not difficult to
discover that he was merely helping Marius in putting this pretence
upon the people, yet, considering that the present juncture much required
his skill, and his good fortunes too, they voted him the fourth time
consul, and made Catulus Lutatius his colleague, a man very much esteemed
by the nobility and not unagreeable to the commons. 

Marius, having notice of the enemy's approach, with all expedition
passed the Alps, and pitching his camp by the river Rhone, took care
first for plentiful supplies of victuals: lest at any time he should
be forced to fight at a disadvantage for want of necessaries. The
carriage of provision for the army from the sea, which was formerly
long and expensive, he made speedy and easy. For the mouth, of the
Rhone, by the influx of the sea, being barred and almost filled up
with sand and mud mixed with clay, the passage there became narrow,
difficult, and dangerous for the ships that brought their provisions.
Hither, therefore, bringing his army, then at leisure, he drew a great
trench: and by turning the course of a great part of the river, brought
it to a convenient point on the shore where the water was deep enough
to receive ships of considerable burden, and where there was a calm
and easy opening to the sea. And this still retains the name it took
from him. 

The enemy dividing themselves into two parts, the Cimbri arranged
to go against Catulus higher up through the country of the Norici,
and to force that passage; the Teutones and Ambrones to march against
Marius by the seaside through Liguria. The Cimbri were a considerable
time in doing their part. But the Teutones and Ambrones with all expedition
passing over the interjacent country, soon came in sight, in numbers
beyond belief, of a terrible aspect, and uttering strange cries and
shouts. Taking up a great part of the plain with their camp, they
challenged Marius to battle; he seemed to take no notice of them,
but kept his soldiers within their fortification, and sharply reprehended
those that were too forward and eager to show their courage, and who,
out of passion, would needs be fighting, calling them traitors to
their country, and telling them they were not now to think of the
glory of triumphs and trophies, but rather how they might repel such
an impetuous tempest of war and save Italy. 

Thus he discoursed privately with his officers and equals, but placed
the soldiers by turns upon the bulwarks to survey the enemy, and so
made them familiar with their shape and voice, which were indeed altogether
extravagant and barbarous, and he caused them to observe their arms,
and the way of using them, so that in a little time what at first
appeared terrible to their apprehensions, by often viewing became
familiar. For he very rationally supposed that the strangeness of
things often makes them seem formidable when they are not so; and
that by our better acquaintance, even things which are really terrible
lose much of their frightfulness. This daily converse not only diminished
some of the soldiers' fears, but their indignation warmed and inflamed
their courage when they heard the threats and insupportable insolence
of their enemies; who not only plundered and depopulated all the country
round, but would even contemptuously and confidently attack the ramparts.

Complaints of the soldiers now began to come to Marius's ears. "What
effeminacy does Marius see in us, that he should thus like women lock
us up from encountering our enemies? Come on, let us show ourselves
men, and ask him if he expects others to fight for Italy; and means
merely to employ us in servile offices, when he would dig trenches,
cleanse places of mud and dirt, and turn the course of the rivers?
It was to do such works as these, it seems, that he gave us all our
long training; he will return home, and boast of these great performances
of his consulships to the people. Does the defeat of Carbo and Caepio,
who were vanquished by the enemy, affright him? Surely they were much
inferior to Marius both in glory and valour, and commanded a much
weaker army: at the worst, it is better to be in action, though we
suffer for it like them, than to sit idle spectators of the destruction
of our allies and companions." Marius, not a little pleased to hear
this, gently appeased them, pretending that he did not distrust their
valour, but that he took his measures as to the time and place of
victory from some certain oracles. 

And, in fact, he used solemnly to carry about in a litter a Syrian
woman, called Martha, a supposed prophetess, and to do sacrifice by
her directions. She had formerly been driven away by the senate, to
whom she addressed herself, offering to inform them about these affairs,
and to foretell future events; and after this betook herself to the
women, and gave them proofs of her skill, especially Marius's wife,
at whose feet she sat when she was viewing a contest of gladiators,
and correctly foretold which of them should overcome. She was for
this and the like predictings sent by her to Marius and the army,
where she was very much looked up to, and, for the most part, carried
about in a litter. When she went to sacrifice, she wore a purple robe
lined and buckled up, and had in her hand a little spear trimmed with
ribbons and garlands. This theatrical show made many question whether
Marius really gave any credit to her himself, or only played the counterfeit,
when he showed her publicly, to impose upon the soldiers.

What, however, Alexander the Myndian relates about the vultures does
really deserve admiration; that always before Marius's victories there
appeared two of them, and accompanied the army, which were known by
their brazen collars (the soldiers having caught them and put these
about their necks, and so let them go, from which time they in a manner
knew and saluted the soldiers), and whenever these appeared in their
marches, they used to rejoice at it, and thought themselves sure of
some success. Of the many other prodigies that then were taken notice
of, the greater part were but of the ordinary stamp; it was, however,
reported that at Ameria and Tuder, two cities in Italy, there were
seen at nights in the sky flaming darts and shields, now waved about,
and then again clashing against one another, all in accordance with
the postures and motions soldiers use in fighting; that at length
one party retreating, and the other pursuing, they all disappeared
westward. Much about the same time came Bataces, one of Cybele's priests,
from Pessinus, and reported how the goddess had declared to him out
of her oracle that the Romans should obtain the victory. The senate
giving credit to him, and voting the goddess a temple to be built
in hopes of the victory, Aulus Pompeius, a tribune, prevented Bataces,
when he would have gone and told the people this same story, calling
him impostor, and ignominiously pulling him off the hustings; which
action in the end was the main thing that gained credit for the man's
story, for Aulus had scarce dissolved the assembly, and returned home,
when a violent fever seized him, and it was matter of universal remark,
and in everybody's mouth, that he died within a week after.

Now the Teutones, whilst Marius lay quiet, ventured to attack his
camp; from whence, however, being encountered with showers of darts,
and losing several of their men, they determined to march forward,
hoping to reach the other side of the Alps without opposition, and,
packing up their baggage, passed securely by the Roman camp, where
the greatness of their number was especially made evident by the long
time they took in their march, for they were said to be six days continually
going on in passing Marius's fortifications; they marched pretty near,
and revilingly asked the Romans if they would send any commands by
them to their wives, for they would shortly be with them. As soon
as they were passed and had gone on a little distance ahead, Marius
began to move, and follow them at his leisure, always encamping at
some small distance from them; choosing also strong positions, and
carefully fortifying them, that he might quarter with safety. Thus
they marched till they came to the place called Sextilius's Waters,
from whence it was but a short way before being amidst the Alps, and
here Marius put himself in readiness for the encounter. 

He chose a place for his camp of considerable strength, but where
there was a scarcity of water; designing, it is said, by this means,
also, to put an edge on his soldiers' courage; and when several were
not a little distressed, and complained of thirst, pointing to a river
that ran near the enemy's camp; "There," said he, "you may have drink,
if you will buy it with your blood." "Why, then," replied they, "do
you not lead us to them, before our blood is dried up in us?" He answered,
in a softer tone, "Let us first fortify our camp," and the soldiers,
though not without repining, proceeded to obey. Now a great company
of their boys and camp followers, having neither drink for themselves
nor for their horses, went down to that river; some taking axes and
hatchets, and some, too, swords and darts with their pitchers, resolving
to have water though they fought for it. These were first encountered
by a small party of the enemies; for most of them had just finished
bathing, and were eating and drinking, and several were still bathing,
the country thereabouts abounding in hot springs; so that the Romans
partly fell upon them whilst they were enjoying themselves and occupied
with the novel sights and pleasantness of the place. Upon hearing
the shouts, great numbers still joining in the fight, it was not a
little difficult for Marius to contain his soldiers, who were afraid
of losing the camp servants; and the more warlike part of the enemies,
who had overthrown Manlius and Caepio (they were called Ambrones,
and were in number, one with another, above thirty thousand), taking
the alarm, leaped up and hurried to arms. 

These, though they had just been gorging themselves with food, and
were excited and disordered with drink, nevertheless did not advance
with an unruly step, or in mere senseless fury, nor were their shouts
mere inarticulate cries; but clashing their arms in concert and keeping
time as they leapt and bounded onward, they continually repeated their
own name, "Ambrones!" either to encourage one another, or to strike
the greater terror into their enemies. Of all the Italians in Marius's
army, the Ligurians were the first that charged; and when they caught
the word of the enemy's confused shout, they, too, returned the same,
as it was an ancient name also in their country, the Ligurians always
using it when speaking of their descent. This acclamation, bandied
from one army to the other before they joined, served to rouse and
heighten their fury, while the men on either side strove, with all
possible vehemence, the one to overshout the other. 

The river disordered the Ambrones; before they could draw up all their
army on the other side of it, the Ligurians presently fell upon the
van, and began to charge them hand to hand. The Romans, too, coming
to their assistance, and from the higher ground pouring upon the enemy,
forcibly repelled them, and the most of them (one thrusting another
into the river) were there slain, and filled it with their blood and
dead bodies. Those that got safe over, not daring to make head, were
slain by the Romans, as they fled to their camp and wagons; where
the women meeting them with swords and hatchets, and making a hideous
outcry, set upon those that fled as well as those that pursued, the
one as traitors, the other as enemies, and mixing themselves with
the combatants, with their bare arms pulling away the Romans' shields,
and laying hold on their swords, endured the wounds and slashing of
their bodies to the very last with undaunted resolution. Thus the
battle seems to have happened at that river rather by accident than
by the design of the general. 

After the Romans were retired from the great slaughter of the Ambrones,
night came on; but the army was not indulged, as was the usual custom,
with songs of victory, drinking in their tents, and mutual entertainments
and (what is most welcome to soldiers after successful fighting) quiet
sleep, but they passed that night, above all others, in fears and
alarm. For their camp was without either rampart or palisade, and
there remained thousands upon thousands of their enemies yet unconquered;
to whom were joined as many of the Ambrones as escaped. There were
heard from these all through the night wild bewailings, nothing like
the sighs and groans of men, but a sort of wild-beast-like howling
and cursing joined with threats and lamentations rising from the vast
multitude, and echoed among the neighbouring hills and hollow banks
of the river. The whole plain was filled with hideous noise, insomuch
that the Romans were not a little afraid and Marius himself was apprehensive
of a confused tumultuous night engagement. But the enemy did not stir
either this night or the next day, but were employed in disposing
and drawing themselves up to the greatest advantage. 

Of this occasion Marius made good use; for there were beyond the enemies
some wooded ascents and deep valleys thickly set with trees, whither
he sent Claudius Marcellus, secretly, with three thousand regular
soldiers, giving him orders to post them in ambush there, and show
themselves at the rear of the enemies when the fight was begun. The
others, refreshed with victuals and sleep, as soon as it was day he
drew up before the camp, and commanded the horse to sally out into
the plain, at the sight of which the Teutones could not contain themselves
till the Romans should come down and fight them on equal terms, but
hastily arming themselves, charged in their fury up the hillside.
Marius, sending officers to all parts, commanded his men to stand
still and keep their ground; when they came within reach, to throw
their javelins, then use their swords, and joining their shields,
force them back; pointing out to them that the steepness of the ground
would render the enemy's blows inefficient, nor could their shields
be kept close together, the inequality of the ground hindering the
stability of their footing. 

This counsel he gave them, and was the first that followed it; for
he was inferior to none in the use of his body, and far excelled all
in resolution. The Romans accordingly stood for their approach, and,
checking them in their advance upwards, forced them little by little
to give way and yield down the hill, and here, on the level ground,
no sooner had the Ambrones begun to restore their van into a posture
of resistance, but they found their rear disordered. For Marcellus
had not let slip the opportunity; but as soon as the shout was raised
among the Romans on the hills, he, setting his men in motion, fell
in upon the enemy behind, at full speed, and with loud cries, and
routed those nearest him, and they, breaking the ranks of those that
were before them, filled the whole army with confusion. They made
no long resistance after they were thus broke in upon, but having
lost all order, fled. 

The Romans, pursuing them, slew and took prisoners above one hundred
thousand, and possessing themselves of their spoil, tents, and carriages,
voted all that was not purloined to Marius's share, which, though
so magnificent a present, yet was generally thought less than his
conduct deserved in so great a danger. Other authors give a different
account, both about the division of the plunder and the number of
the slain. They say, however, that the inhabitants of Massilia made
fences round their vineyards with the bones, and that the ground,
enriched by the moisture of the putrefied bodies (soaked with the
rain of the following winter), yielded at the season a prodigious
crop, and fully justified Archilochus, who said, that the fallows
thus are fattened. It is an observation, also, that extraordinary
rains pretty generally fall after great battles; whether it be that
some divine power thus washes and cleanses the polluted earth with
showers from above, or that moist and heavy evaporations, steaming
forth from the blood and corruption, thicken the air, which naturally
is subject to alteration from the smallest causes. 

After the battle, Marius chose out from amongst the barbarians' spoils
and arms those that were whole and handsome, and that would make the
greatest show in his triumph; the rest he heaped upon a large pile,
and offered a very splendid sacrifice. Whilst the army stood round
about with their arms and garlands, himself attired (as the fashion
is on such occasions) in the purple-bordered robe, and taking a lighted
torch, and with both hands lifting it up towards heaven, he was then
going to put it to the pile, when some friends were espied with all
haste coming towards him on horseback. Upon which every one remained
in silence and expectation. They, upon their coming up, leapt off
and saluted Marius, bringing him the news of his fifth consulship,
and delivered him letters to that effect. This gave the addition of
no small joy to the solemnity; and while the soldiers clashed their
arms and shouted, the officers again crowned Marius with a laurel
wreath, and he thus set fire to the pile, and finished his sacrifice.

But whatever it be which interferes to prevent the enjoyment of prosperity
ever being pure and sincere, and still diversifies human affairs with
the mixture of good and bad, whether fortune or divine displeasure,
or the necessity of the nature of things, within a few days Marius
received an account of his colleague, Catulus, which, as a cloud in
serenity and calm, terrified Rome with the apprehension of another
imminent storm. Catulus, who marched against the Cimbri, despairing
of being able to defend the passes of the Alps, lest, being compelled
to divide his forces into several parties, he should weaken himself,
descended again into Italy, and posted his army behind the river Adige;
where he occupied the passages with strong fortifications on both
sides the river, and made a bridge, that so he might cross to the
assistance of his men on the other side, if so be the enemy, having
forced their way through the mountain passes, should storm the fortresses.
The barbarians, however, came on with such insolence and contempt
of their enemies, that to show their strength and courage, rather
than out of any necessity, they went naked in the showers of snow,
and through the ice and deep snow climbed up to the tops of the hills,
and from thence, placing their broad shields under their bodies, let
themselves slide from the precipices along their vast slippery descents.

When they had pitched their camp at a little distance from the river,
and surveyed the passage, they began to pile it up, giant-like, tearing
down the neighbouring hills; and brought trees pulled up by the roots,
and heaps of earth to the river, damming up its course; and with great
heavy materials which they rolled down the stream and dashed against
the bridge, they forced away the beams which supported it; in consequence
of which the greatest part of the Roman soldiers, much affrighted,
left the camp and fled. Here Catulus showed himself a generous and
noble general, in preferring the glory of his people before his own;
for when he could not prevail with his soldiers to stand to their
colours, but saw how they all deserted them, he commanded his own
standard to be taken up, and running to the foremost of those that
fled, he led them forward, choosing rather that the disgrace should
fall upon himself than upon his country, and that they should not
seem to fly, but, following their captain, to make a retreat. The
barbarians assaulted and took the fortress on the other side the Adige;
where much admiring the few Romans there left, who had shown extreme
courage, and had fought worthily of their country, they dismissed
them upon terms, swearing them upon their brazen bull, which was afterwards
taken in the battle, and carried, they say, to Catulus's house, as
the chief trophy of victory. 

Thus falling in upon the country destitute of defence, they wasted
it on all sides. Marius was presently sent for to the city; where,
when he arrived, every one supposing he would triumph, the senate,
too, unanimously voting it, he himself did not think it convenient:
whether that he were not willing to deprive his soldiers and officers
of their share of the glory, or that, to encourage the people in this
juncture, he would leave the honour due to his past victory on trust,
as it were, in the hands of the city and its future fortune; deferring
it now to receive it afterwards with the greater splendour. Having
left such orders as the occasion required, he hastened to Catulus,
whose drooping spirits he much raised, and sent for his own army from
Gaul; and as soon as it came, passing the river Po, he endeavoured
to keep the barbarians out of that part of Italy which lies south
of it. 

They professed they were in expectation of the Teutones, and saying
they wondered they were so long in coming deferred the battle; either
that they were really ignorant of their defeat or were willing to
seem so. For they certainly much maltreated those that brought them
such news, and, sending to Marius, required some part of the country
for themselves and their brethren, and cities fit for them to inhabit.
When Marius inquired of the ambassadors who their brethren were, upon
their saying the Teutones, all that were present began to laugh; and
Marius scoffingly answered them, "Do not trouble yourself for your
brethren, for we have already provided lands for them, which they
shall possess for ever." The ambassadors, understanding the mockery,
broke into insults, and threatened that the Cimbri would make him
pay for this and the Teutones, too, when they came. "They are not
far off," replied Marius, "and it will be unkindly done of you to
go away before greeting your brethren." Saying so, he commanded the
kings of the Teutones to be brought out, as they were, in chains;
for they were taken by the Sequani among the Alps, before they could
make their escape. This was no sooner made known to the Cimbri, but
they with all expedition came against Marius, who then lay still and
guarded his camp. 

It is said that, against this battle Marius first altered the construction
of the Roman javelins. For before at the place where the wood was
joined to the iron it was made fast with two iron pins; but now Marius
let one of them alone as it was, and pulling out the other, put a
weak wooden peg in its place, thus contriving that when it was driven
into the enemy's shield, it should not stand right out, but the wooden
peg breaking, the iron should bend, and so the javelin should hold
fast by its crooked point and drag. Boeorix, King of the Cimbri, came
with a small party of horse to the Roman camp, and challenged Marius
to appoint the time and place where they might meet and fight for
the country. Marius answered that the Romans never consulted their
enemies when to fight, however, he would gratify the Cimbri so far;
and so they fixed upon the third day after and for the place, the
plain near Vercellae, which was convenient enough for the Roman horse,
and afforded room for the enemy to display their numbers.

They observed the time appointed, and drew out their forces against
each other. Catulus commanded twenty thousand three hundred, and Marius
thirty-two thousand, who were placed in the two wings, leaving Catulus
the centre. Sylla, who was present at the fight, gives this account;
saying, also, that Marius drew up his army in this order, because
he expected that the armies would meet on the wings since it generally
happens that in such extensive fronts the centre falls back, and thus
he would have the whole victory to himself and his soldiers, and Catulus
would not be even engaged. They tell us, also, that Catulus himself
alleged this in vindication of his honour, accusing, in various ways,
the enviousness of Marius. The infantry of the Cimbri marched quietly
out of their fortifications, having their flanks equal to their front;
every side of the army taking up thirty furlongs. Their horse, that
were in number fifteen thousand, made a very splendid appearance.
They wore helmets, made to resemble the head and jaws of wild beasts,
and other strange shapes, and heightening these with plumes of feathers,
they made themselves appear taller than they were. They had breastplates
of iron and white glittering shields; and for their offensive arms
every one had two darts, and when they came hand to hand, they used
large and heavy swords. 

The cavalry did not fall directly upon the front of the Romans, but,
turning to the right, they endeavoured to draw them on in that direction
by little and little, so as to get them between themselves and their
infantry, who were placed in the left wing. The Roman commanders soon
perceived the design, but could not contain the soldiers; for one
happening to shout out that the enemy fled, they all rushed to pursue
them, while the whole barbarian foot came on, moving like a great
ocean. Here Marius, having washed his hands, and lifting them up towards
heaven, vowed an hecatomb to the gods; and Catulus, too, in the same
posture, solemnly promised to consecrate a temple to the "Fortune
of that day." They say, too, that Marius, having the victim shown
to him as he was sacrificing, cried out with a loud voice, "The victory
is mine." 

However, in the engagement, according to the accounts of Sylla and
his friends, Marius met with what might be called a mark of divine
displeasure. For a great dust being raised, which (as it might very
probably happen) almost covered both the armies, he, leading on his
forces to the pursuit, missed the enemy, and having passed by their
array, moved for a good space, up and down the field; meanwhile the
enemy, by chance, engaged with Catulus, and the heat of the battle
was chiefly with him and his men, among whom Sylla says he was; adding,
that the Romans had great advantage of the heat and sun that shone
in the faces of the Cimbri. For they, well able to endure cold, and
having been bred up (as we observed before) in cold and shady countries,
were overcome with the excessive heat; they sweated extremely, and
were much out of breath, being forced to hold their shields before
their faces; for the battle was fought not long after the summer solstice,
or, as the Romans reckon, upon the third day before the new moon of
the month now called August and then Sextilis. The dust, too, gave
the Romans no small addition to their courage, inasmuch as it hid
the enemy. For afar off they could not discover their number; but
every one advancing to encounter those that were nearest to them,
came to fight hand to hand before the sight of so vast a multitude
had struck terror into them. They were so much used to labour, and
so well exercised, that in all the heat and toil of the encounter,
not one of them was observed either to sweat or to be out of breath;
so much so, that Catulus himself, they say, recorded it in commendation
of his soldiers. 

Here the greatest part and most valiant of the enemies were cut in
pieces; for those that fought in the front, that they might not break
their ranks, were fast tied to one another, with long chains put through
their belts. But as they pursued those that fled to their camp they
witnessed a most fearful tragedy; the women, standing in black clothes
on their wagons, slew all that fled, some their husbands, some their
brethren, others their fathers; and strangling their little children
with their own hands, threw them under the wheels and the feet of
the cattle, and then killed themselves. They tell of one who hung
herself from the end of the pole of a wagon, with her children tied
dangling at her heels. The men, for want of trees, tied themselves,
some to the horns of the oxen, others by the neck to their legs, that
so pricking them on, by the starting and springing of the beasts,
they might be torn and trodden to pieces. Yet for all they thus massacred
themselves, above sixty thousand were taken prisoners, and those that
were slain were said to be twice as many. 

The ordinary plunder was taken by Marius's soldiers, but the other
spoils, as ensigns, trumpets, and the like, they say, were brought
to Catulus's camp; which he used for the best argument that the victory
was obtained by himself and his army. Some dissensions arising, as
was natural, among the soldiers, the deputies from Parma, being then
present, were made judges of the controversy; whom Catulus's men carried
about among their slain enemies and manifestly showed them that they
were slain by their javelins, which were known by the inscriptions,
having Catulus's name cut in the wood. Nevertheless the whole glory
of the action was ascribed to Marius, on account of his former victory,
and under colour of his present authority; the populace more especially
styling him the third founder of their city, as having diverted a
danger no less threatening than was that when the Gauls sacked Rome;
and every one, in their feasts and rejoicings at home with their wives
and children, made offerings and libations in honour of "The Gods
and Marius;" and would have had him solely have the honour of both
the triumphs. However, he did not do so, but triumphed together with
Catulus, being desirous to show his moderation even in such great
circumstances of good fortune; besides he was not a little afraid
of the soldiers in Catulus's army, lest, if he should wholly bereave
their general of the honour, they should endeavour to hinder him of
his triumph. 

Marius was now in his fifth consulship, and he sued for his sixth
in such a manner as never any man before him had done, even for his
first; he courted the people's favour and ingratiated himself with
the multitude by every sort of complaisance; not only derogating from
the state and dignity of his office, but also belying his own character,
by attempting to seem popular and obliging, for which nature had never
designed him. His passion for distinction did, indeed, they say, make
him exceedingly timorous in any political matters, or in confronting
public assemblies; and that undaunted presence of mind he always showed
in battle against the enemy forsook him when he was to address the
people; he was easily upset by the most ordinary commendation or dispraise.
It is told of him, that having at one time given the freedom of the
city to one thousand men of Camerinum who had behaved valiantly in
this war, and this seeming to be illegally done, upon some one or
other calling him to an account for it, he answered, that the law
spoke too softly to be heard in such a noise of war; yet he himself
appeared to be more disconcerted and overcome by the clamour made
in the assemblies. The need they had of him in time of war procured
him power and dignity; but in civil affairs, when he despaired of
getting the first place, he was forced to betake himself to the favour
of the people, never caring to be a good man so that he were but a
great one. 

He thus became very odious to all the nobility; and above all, he
feared Metellus, who had been so ungratefully used by him, and whose
true virtue made him naturally an enemy to those that sought influence
with the people, not by the honourable course, but by subservience
and complaisance. Marius, therefore, endeavoured to banish him from
the city, and for this purpose he contracted a close alliance with
Glaucia and Saturninus a couple of daring fellows, who had the great
mass of the indigent and seditious multitude at their control; and
by their assistance he enacted various laws, and bringing the soldiers,
also, to attend the assembly, he was enabled to overpower Metellus.
And as Rutilius relates (in all other respects a fair and faithful
authority, but, indeed, privately an enemy to Marius), he obtained
his sixth consulship by distributing vast sums of money among the
tribes, and by this bribery kept out Metellus, and had Valerius Flaccus
given him as his instrument, rather than his colleague, in the consulship.
The people had never before bestowed so many consulships on any one
man, except on Valerius Corvinus only, and he, too, they say, was
forty-five years between his first and last; but Marius, from his
first, ran through five more, with one current of good fortune.

In the last, especially, he contracted a great deal of hatred, by
committing several gross misdemeanours in compliance with the desires
of Saturninus; among which was the murder of Nonius whom Saturninus
slew because he stood in competition with him for the tribuneship.
And when, afterwards, Saturninus, on becoming tribune, brought forward
his law for the division of lands, with a clause enacting that the
senate publicly swear to confirm whatever the people should vote,
and not to oppose them in anything, Marius, in the senate, cunningly
feigned to be against this provision, and said that he would not take
any such oath, nor would any man, he thought, who was wise; for if
there were no ill design in the law, still it would be an affront
to the senate to be compelled to give their approbation, and not to
do it willingly and upon persuasion. This he said, not that it was
agreeable to his own sentiments, but that he might entrap Metellus
beyond any possibility of escape. For Marius, in whose ideas virtue
and capacity consisted largely in deceit, made very little account
of what he had openly professed to the senate; and knowing that Metellus
was one of a fixed resolution, and, as Pindar has it, esteemed "truth
the first principle of heroic virtue," he hoped to ensnare him into
a declaration before the senate, and on his refusing, as he was sure
to do, afterwards to take the oath, he expected to bring him into
such odium with the people as should never be wiped off. The design
succeeded to his wish. As soon as Metellus had declared that he would
not swear to it, the senate adjourned. A few days after on Saturninus
citing the senators to make their appearance, and take the oath before
the people, Marius stepped forth amidst a profound silence, every
one being intent to hear him, and bidding farewell to those fine speeches
he had before made in the senate, said, that his back was not so broad
that he should think himself bound, once for all, by any opinion once
given on so important a matter; he would willingly swear and submit
to the law, if so be it were one, a proviso which he added as a mere
cover for his effrontery. The people, in great joy at his taking the
oath, loudly clapped and applauded him, while the nobility stood by
ashamed and vexed at his inconstancy; but they submitted out of fear
of the people, and all in order took the oath, till it came to Metellus's
turn. But he, though his friends begged and entreated him to take
it, and not to plunge himself irrecoverably into the penalties which
Saturninus had provided for those that should refuse it, would not
flinch from his resolution, nor swear; but, according to his fixed
custom, being ready to suffer anything rather than do a base, unworthy
action, he left the forum, telling those that were with him that to
do wrong things is base, and to do well where there is no danger,
common; the good man's characteristic is to do so where there is danger.

Hereupon Saturninus put it to the vote, that the consuls should place
Metellus under their interdict, and forbid him fire, water, and lodging.
There were enough, too, of the basest of people ready to kill him.
Nevertheless, when many of the better sort were extremely concerned,
and gathered about Metellus, he would not suffer them to raise a sedition
upon his account, but with this calm reflection left the city, "Either
when the posture of affairs is mended and the people repent, I shall
be recalled, or if things remain in their present condition, it will
be best to be absent." But what great favour and honour Metellus received
in his banishment, and in what manner he spent his time at Rhodes,
in philosophy, will be more fitly our subject when we write his life.

Marius, in return for this piece of service, was forced to connive
at Saturninus now proceeding to the very height of insolence and violence,
and was, without knowing it, the instrument of mischief beyond endurance,
the only course of which was through outrages and massacres to tyranny
and the subversion of the government. Standing in some awe of the
nobility, and, at the same time, eager to court the commonalty, he
was guilty of a most mean and dishonest action. When some of the great
men came to him at night to stir him up against Saturninus, at the
other door, unknown to them, he let him in; then making the same pretence
of some disorder of body to both, he ran from one party to the other,
and staying at one time with them and another with him, he instigated
and exasperated them one against another. At length when the senate
and equestrian order concerted measures together, and openly manifested
their resentment, he did bring his soldiers into the forum, and driving
the insurgents into the capitol, and then cutting off the conduits,
forced them to surrender by want of water. They, in this distress,
addressing themselves to him, surrendered, at it is termed, on the
public faith. He did his utmost to save their lives, but so wholly
in vain, that when they came down into the forum they were all basely
murdered. Thus he had made himself equally odious both to the nobility
and commons, and when the time was come to create censors, though
he was the most obvious man, yet he did not petition for it; but fearing
the disgrace of being repulsed, permitted others, his inferiors, to
be elected, though he pleased himself by giving out that he was not
willing to disoblige too many by undertaking a severe inspection into
their lives and conduct. 

There was now an edict preferred to recall Metellus from banishment;
this he vigorously, but in vain, opposed both by word and deed, and
was at length obliged to desist. The people unanimously voted for
it; and he, not able to endure the sight of Metellus's return, made
a voyage to Cappadocia and Galatia; giving out that he had to perform
the sacrifices which he had vowed to Cybele; but actuated really by
other less apparent reasons. For, in fact, being a man altogether
ignorant of civil life and ordinary politics, he received all his
advancement from war; and supposing his power and glory would by little
and little decrease by his lying quietly out of action, he was eager
by every means to excite some new commotions, and hoped that by setting
at variance some of the kings, and by exasperating Mithridates, especially,
who was then apparently making preparations for war, he himself should
be chosen general against him, and so furnish the city with new matter
of triumph, and his own house with the plunder of Pontus and the riches
of its king. Therefore, though Mithridates entertained him with all
imaginable attention and respect, yet he was not at all wrought upon
or softened by it; but said, "O king, either endeavour to be stronger
than the Romans, or else quietly submit to their commands." With which
he left Mithridates as he indeed had often heard the fame of the bold
speaking of the Romans, but now for the first time experienced it.

When Marius returned again to Rome, he built a house close by the
forum, either, as he himself gave out, that he was not willing his
clients should be tried with going far, or that he imagined distance
was the reason why more did not come. This, however, was not so; the
real reason was, that, being inferior to others in agreeableness of
conversation and the arts of political life, like a mere tool and
implement of war, he was thrown aside in time of peace. Amongst all
those whose brightness eclipsed his glory, he was most incensed against
Sylla, who had owed his rise to the hatred which the nobility bore
Marius; and had made his disagreement with him the one principle of
his political life. When Bocchus, King of Numidia, who was styled
the associate of the Romans, dedicated some figures of Victory in
the capitol, and with them a representation in gold of himself delivering
Jugurtha to Sylla, Marius upon this was almost distracted with rage
and ambition, as though Sylla had arrogated this honour to himself,
and endeavoured forcibly to pull down these presents; Sylla, on the
other side, as vigorously resisted him; but the Social War, then on
a sudden threatening the city, put a stop to this sedition when just
ready to break out. For the most warlike and best-peopled countries
of all Italy formed a confederacy together against Rome, and were
within a little of subverting the empire; as they were indeed strong,
not only in their weapons and the valour of their soldiers, but stood
nearly upon equal terms with the Romans as to the skill and daring
of their commanders. 

As much glory and power as this war, so various in its events and
so uncertain as to its success, conferred upon Sylla, so much it took
away from Marius, who was thought tardy, unenterprising, and timid,
whether it were that his age was now quenching his former heat and
vigour (for he was above sixty-five years old), or that having, as
he himself said, some distemper that affected his muscles, and his
body being unfit for action, he did service above his strength. Yet,
for all this, he came off victor in a considerable battle, wherein
he slew six thousand of the enemies, and never once gave them any
advantage over him; and when he was surrounded by the works of the
enemy, he contained himself, and though insulted over, and challenged,
did not yield to the provocation. The story is told that when Publius
Silo, a man of the greatest repute and authority among the enemies,
said to him, "If you are indeed a great general, Marius, leave your
camp and fight a battle," he replied, "If you are one, make me do
so." And another time, when the enemy gave them a good opportunity
of a battle, and the Romans through fear durst not charge, so that
both parties retreated, he called an assembly of his soldiers, and
said, "It is no small question whether I should call the enemies or
you the greater cowards, for neither did they dare to face your backs,
nor you to confront theirs." At length, professing to be worn out
with the infirmity of his body, he laid down his command.

Afterwards when the Italians were worsted, there were several candidates
suing with the aid of the popular leaders for the chief command in
the war with Mithridates. Sulpicius, tribune of the people, a bold
and confident man, contrary to everybody's expectation, brought forward
Marius, and proposed him as proconsul and general in that war. The
people were divided; some were on Marius's side, others voted for
Sylla, and jeeringly bade Marius go to the baths at Baiae, to cure
his body, worn out, as himself confessed, with age and catarrhs. Marius
had indeed, there, about Misenum, a villa more effeminately and luxuriously
furnished than seemed to become one that had seen service in so many
and great wars and expeditions. This same house Cornelia bought for
seventy-five thousand drachmas, and not long after Lucius Lucullus,
for two million five hundred thousand; so rapid and so great was the
growth of Roman sumptuosity. Yet, in spite of all this, out of a mere
boyish passion for distinction, affecting to shake off his age and
weakness, he went down daily to the Campus Martius, and exercising
himself with the youth, showed himself still nimble in his armour,
and expert in riding; though he was undoubtedly grown bulky in his
old age, and inclining to excessive faintness and corpulency.

Some people were pleased with this, and went continually to see him
competing and displaying himself in these exercises; but the better
sort that saw him pitied the cupidity and ambition that made one who
had risen from utter poverty to extreme wealth, and out of nothing
into greatness, unwilling to admit any limit to his high fortune,
or to be content with being admired, and quietly enjoying what he
had already got; why, as if he still were indigent, should he at so
great an age leave his glory and his triumphs to go into Cappadocia
and the Euxine Sea, to fight Archelaus and Neoptolemus, Mithridates's
generals? Marius's pretences for this action of his seemed very ridiculous;
for he said he wanted to go and teach his son to be a general.

The condition of the city, which had long been unsound and diseased
became hopeless now that Marius found so opportune an instrument for
the public destruction as Sulpicius's insolence. This man professed,
in all other respects, to admire and imitate Saturninus; only he found
fault with him for backwardness and want of spirit in his designs.
He, therefore, to avoid this fault, got six hundred of the equestrian
order about him as his guard, whom he named anti-senators; and with
these confederates he set upon the consuls, whilst they were at the
assembly, and took the son of one of them who fled from the forum
and slew him. Sylla, being hotly pursued, took refuge in Marius's
house, which none could suspect, by that means escaping those that
sought him, who hastily passed by there, and, it is said, was safely
conveyed by Marius himself out at the other door, and came to the
camp. Yet Sylla, in his memoirs, positively denies that he fled to
Marius, saying he was carried thither to consult upon the matters
to which Sulpicius would have forced him, against his will, to consent;
that he, surrounding him with drawn swords, hurried him to Marius,
and constrained him thus, till he went thence to the forum and removed,
as they required him to do, the interdict on business. 

Sulpicius, having thus obtained the mastery, decreed the command of
the army to Marius, who proceeded to make preparations for his march,
and sent two tribunes to receive the charge of the army from Sylla.
Sylla hereupon exasperating his soldiers, who were about thirty-five
thousand full-armed men, led them towards Rome. First falling upon
the tribunes Marius had sent, they slew them; Marius having done as
much for several of Sylla's friends in Rome, and now offering their
freedom to the slaves on condition of their assistance in the war;
of whom, however, they say, there were but three who accepted his
proposal. For some small time he made head against Sylla's assault,
but was soon overpowered and fled; those that were with him, as soon
as he had escaped out of the city, were dispersed, and night coming
on, he hastened to a country-house of his, called Solonium. Hence
he sent his son to some neighbouring farms of his father-in-law, Mucius,
to provide necessaries; he went himself to Ostia, where his friend
Numerius had prepared him a ship, and hence, not staying for his son,
he took with him his son-in-law Granius, and weighed anchor.

Young Marius, coming to Mucius's farms, made his preparations; and
the day breaking, was almost discovered by the enemy. For there came
thither a party of horse that suspected some such matter; but the
farm steward, foreseeing their approach, hid Marius in a cart full
of beans, then yoking in his team and driving toward the city, met
those that were in search of him. Marius, thus conveyed home to his
wife, took with him some necessaries, and came at night to the seaside;
where, going on board a ship that was bound for Africa, he went away
thither. Marius, the father, when he had put to sea, with a strong
gale passing along the coast of Italy, was in no small apprehension
of one Geminius, a great man at Terracina, and his enemy; and therefore
bade the seamen hold off from that place. They were indeed willing
to gratify him, but the wind now blowing in from the sea and making
the waves swell to a great height, they were afraid the ship would
not be able to weather out the storm, and Marius, too, being indisposed
and sea-sick, they made for land, and not without some difficulty
reached the shore near Circeium. 

The storm now increasing and their victuals failing, they left their
ship, and wandered up and down without any certain purpose, simply
as in great distresses people shun the present as the greatest evil,
and rely upon the hopes of uncertainties. For the land and sea were
both equally unsafe for them; it was dangerous to meet with people,
and it was no less so to meet with none, on account of their want
of necessaries. At length, though late, they lighted upon a few poor
shepherds, that had not anything to relieve them; but knowing Marius,
advised him to depart as soon as might he, for they had seen a little
beyond that place a party of horse that were gone in search of him.
Finding himself in a great strait, especially because those that attended
him were not able to go further, being spent with their long fasting,
for the present he turned aside out of the road, and hid himself in
a thick wood, where he passed the night in great wretchedness. The
next day, pinched with hunger, and willing to make use of the little
strength he had, before it were all exhausted, he travelled by the
seaside, encouraging his companions not to fall away from him before
the fulfillment of his final hopes, for which, in reliance on some
old predictions, he professed to be sustaining himself. For when he
was yet but very young, and lived in the country, he caught in the
skirt of his garment an eagle's nest, as it was falling, in which
were seven young ones, which his parents seeing and much admiring,
consulted the augurs about it, who told them he should become the
greatest man in the world, and that the fates had decreed he should
seven times be possessed of the supreme power and authority. Some
are of opinion that this really happened to Marius, as we have related
it; others say, that those who then and through the rest of his exile
heard him tell these stories, and believed him, have merely repeated
a story that is altogether fabulous; for an eagle never hatches more
than two; and even Musaeus was deceived, who, speaking of the eagle,
says that- 

"She lays three eggs, hatches two, and rears one." However this be,
it is certain Marius, in his exile and greatest extremities, would
often say that he should attain a seventh consulship. 

When Marius and his company were now about twenty furlongs distant
from Minturnae, a city in Italy, they espied a troop of horse making
up toward them with all speed, and by chance, also, at the same time,
two ships under sail. Accordingly, they ran every one with what speed
and, strength they could to the sea, and plunging into it swam to
the ships, Those that were with Granius, reaching one of them, passed
over to an island opposite, called Aenaria; Marius himself, whose
body was heavy and unwieldy, was with great pains and difficulty kept
above the water by two servants, and put into the other ship. The
soldiers were by this time come to the seaside, and from thence called
out to the seamen to put to shore, or else to throw out Marius, and
then they might go whither they would. Marius besought them with tears
to the contrary, and the masters of the ship, after frequent changes,
in a short space of time, of their purpose, inclining first to one,
then to the other side, resolved at length to answer the soldiers
that they would not give up Marius. As soon as they had ridden off
in a rage, the seamen, again changing their resolution, came to land,
and casting anchor at the mouth of the river Liris, where it overflows
and makes a marsh, they advised him to land, refresh himself on shore,
and take some care of his discomposed body, till the wind came fairer;
which, said they, will happen at such an hour, when the wind from
the sea will calm, and that from the marshes rise. Marius, following
their advice, did so, and when the seamen had set him on shore, he
laid him down in an adjacent field, suspecting nothing less than what
was to befall him. They, as soon as they had got into the ship, weighed
anchor and departed, as thinking it neither honourable to deliver
Marius into the hands of those that sought him, nor safe to protect
him. 

He thus, deserted by all, lay a good while silently on the shore;
at length collecting himself, he advanced with pain and difficulty,
without any path, till, wading through deep bogs and ditches full
of water and mud, he came upon the hut of an old man that worked in
the fens, and falling at his feet besought him to assist and preserve
one who, if he escaped the present danger, would make him returns
beyond his expectation. The poor man, whether he had formerly known
him, or were then moved with his superior aspect, told him that if
he wanted only rest his cottage would be convenient; but if he were
flying from anybody's search, he would hide him in a more retired
place. Marius desiring him to do so, he carried him into the fens
and bade him hide himself in an hollow place by the river-side, where
he laid upon him a great many reeds, and other things that were light,
and would cover, but not oppress him. But within a very short time
he was disturbed with a noise and tumult from the cottage, for Geminius
had sent several from Terracina in pursuit of him; some of whom happening
to come that way, frightened and threatened the old man for having
entertained and hid an enemy of the Romans. Whereupon Marius, arising
and stripping himself, plunged into a puddle full of thick muddy water;
and even there he could not escape their search, but was pulled out
covered with mire, and carried away naked to Minturnae and delivered
to the magistrates. For there had been orders sent through all the
towns to make public search for Marius, and if they found him to kill
him; however, the magistrates thought convenient to consider a little
better of it first, and sent him prisoner to the house of one Fannia.

This woman was supposed not very well affected towards him upon an
old account. One Tinnius had formerly married this Fannia; from whom
she afterwards, being divorced, demanded her portion, which was considerable,
but her husband accused her of adultery; so the controversy was brought
before Marius in his sixth consulship. When the case was examined
thoroughly, it appeared both that Fannia had been incontinent, and
that her husband, knowing her to be so, had married and lived a considerable
time with her. So that Marius was severe enough with both, commanding
him to restore her portion, and laying a fine of four copper coins
upon her by way of disgrace. But Fannia did not then behave like a
woman that had been injured, but as soon as she saw Marius, remembered
nothing less than old affronts; took care of him according to her
ability, and comforted him. He made her his returns and told her he
did not despair, for he had met with a lucky omen, which was thus.
When he was brought to Fannia's house, as soon as the gate was opened,
an ass came running out to drink at a spring hard by, and giving a
bold and encouraging look, first stood still before him, then brayed
aloud and pranced by him. From which Marius drew his conclusion, and
said, that the fates designed his safety, rather by sea than land,
because the ass neglected his dry fodder, and turned from it to the
water. Having told Fannia this story, he bade the chamber door to
be shut and went to rest. 

Meanwhile the magistrates and councillors of Minturnae consulted together,
and determined not to delay any longer, but immediately to kill Marius;
and when none of their citizens durst undertake the business, a certain
soldier, a Gaulish or Cimbrian horseman (the story is told both ways),
went in with his sword drawn to him. The room itself was not very
light, that part of it especially where he then lay was dark, from
whence Marius's eyes, they say, seemed to the fellow to dart out flames
at him, and a loud voice to say, out of the dark, "Fellow, darest
thou kill Caius Marius?" The barbarian hereupon immediately fled,
and leaving his sword in the place, rushed out of doors, crying only
this, "I cannot kill Caius Marius." At which they were all at first
astonished, and presently began to feel pity, and remorse, and anger
at themselves for making so unjust and ungrateful a decree against
one who had preserved Italy, and whom it was bad enough not to assist.
"Let him go," said they, "where he please to banishment, and find
his fate somewhere else; we only entreat pardon of the gods for thrusting
Marius distressed and deserted out of our city." 

Impelled by thoughts of this kind, they went in a body into the room,
and taking him amongst them, conducted him towards the seaside; on
his way to which, though every one was very officious to him, and
all made what haste they could, yet a considerable time was likely
to be lost. For the grove of Marica (as she is called), which the
people hold sacred and make it a point of religion not to let anything
that is once carried into it be taken out, lay just in their road
to the sea, and if they should go round about, they must needs come
very late thither. At length one of the old men cried out and said,
there was no place so sacred but they might pass through it for Marius's
preservation; and thereupon, first of all, he himself, taking up some
of the baggage that was carried for his accommodation to the ship,
passed through the grove, all the rest immediately, with the same
readiness, accompanying him. And one Belaeus (who afterwards had a
picture of these things drawn, and put it in a temple at the place
of embarkation), having by this time provided him a ship, Marius went
on board, and hoisting sail, was by fortune thrown upon the island
Aenaria, where meeting with Granius, and his other friends, he sailed
with them for Africa. But their water failing them in the way, they
were forced to put in near Eryx, in Sicily, where was a Roman quaestor
on the watch, who all but captured Marius himself on his landing,
and did kill sixteen of his retinue that went to fetch water. Marius,
with all expedition loosing thence, crossed the sea to the isle of
Meninx, where he first heard the news of his son's escape with Cethegus,
and of his going to implore the assistance of Hiempsal, King of Numidia.

With this news, being somewhat comforted, he ventured to pass from
that isle towards Carthage. Sextilius, a Roman, was then governor
in Africa; one that had never received either any injury or any kindness
from Marius; but who from compassion, it was hoped, might lend him
some help. But he was scarce got ashore with a small retinue when
an officer met him, and said, "Sextilius, the governor, forbids you,
Marius, to set foot in Africa; if you do, he says he will put the
decree of the senate in execution, and treat you as an enemy to the
Romans." When Marius heard this, he wanted words to express his grief
and resentment, and for a good while held his peace, looking sternly
upon the messenger, who asked him what he should say, or what answer
he should return to the governor? Marius answered him with a deep
sigh: "Go tell him that you have seen Caius Marius sitting in exile
among the ruins of Carthage;" appositely applying the example of the
fortune of that city to the change of his own condition.

In the interim, Hiempsal, King of Numidia, dubious of what he should
determine to do, treated young Marius and those that were with him
very honourably; but when they had a mind to depart, he still had
some pretence or other to detain them, and it was manifest he made
these delays upon no good design. However, there happened an accident
that made well for their preservation. The hard fortune which attended
young Marius, who was of a comely aspect, touched one of the king's
concubines, and this pity of hers was the beginning and occasion of
love for him. At first he declined the woman's solicitations, but
when he perceived that there was no other way of escaping, and that
her offers were more serious than for the gratification of intemperate
passion, he accepted her kindness, and she finding means to convey
them away, he escaped with his friends and fled to his father. As
soon as they had saluted each other, and were going by the seaside,
they saw some scorpions fighting, which Marius took for an ill omen,
whereupon they immediately went on board a little fisher-boat, and
made towards Cercinas, an island not far distant from the continent.
They had scarce put off from shore when they espied some horse, sent
after them by the king, with all speed making towards that very place
from which they were just retired. And Marius thus escaped a danger,
it might be said, as great as any he ever incurred. 

At Rome news came that Sylla was engaged with Mithridates's generals
in Boeotia; the consuls, from factious opposition, were fallen to
downright fighting, wherein Octavius prevailing, drove Cinna out of
the city for attempting despotic government, and made Cornelius Merula
consul in his stead; while Cinna, raising forces in other parts of
Italy, carried the war against them. As soon as Marius heard of this
he resolved, with all expedition, to put to sea again, and taking
with him from Africa some Mauritanian horse, and a few of the refugees
out of Italy, all together not above one thousand, he, with this handful,
began his voyage. Arriving at Telamon, in Etruria, and coming ashore,
he proclaimed freedom for the slaves; and many of the countrymen,
also, and shepherds thereabouts, who were already freemen, at the
hearing his name, flocked to him to the seaside. He persuaded the
youngest and strongest to join him, and in a small time got together
a competent force with which he filled forty ships. Knowing Octavius
to be a good man and willing to execute his office with the greatest
justice imaginable, and Cinna to be suspected by Sylla, and in actual
warfare against the established government, he determined to join
himself and his forces with the latter. He therefore sent a message
to him, to let him know that he was ready to obey him as consul.

When Cinna had joyfully received his offer, naming him proconsul,
and sending him the fasces and other ensigns of authority, he said
that grandeur did not become his present fortune; but wearing an ordinary
habit, and still letting his hair grow as it had done, from that very
day he first went into banishment, and being now above threescore
and ten years old, he came slowly on foot, designing to move people's
compassion; which did not prevent, however, his natural fierceness
of expression from still predominating, and his humiliation still
let it appear that he was not so much dejected as exasperated by the
change of his condition. Having saluted Cinna and the soldiers, he
immediately prepared for action, and soon made a considerable alteration
in the posture of affairs. He first cut off the provision ships, and
plundering all the merchants, made himself master of the supplies
of corn; then bringing his navy to the seaport towns, he took them,
and at last, becoming master of Ostia by treachery, he pillaged that
town, and slew a multitude of the inhabitants, and, blocking up the
river, took from the enemy all hopes of supply by the sea; then marched
with his army toward the city, and posted himself upon the hill called
Janiculum. 

The public interest did not receive so great damage from Octavius's
unskillfulness in his management of affairs as from his omitting needful
measures through too strict observance of the law. As when several
advised him to make the slaves free, he said that he would not give
slaves the privilege of the country from which he then, in defence
of the laws, was driving away Marius. When Metellus, son to that Metellus
who was general in the war in Africa, and afterwards banished through
Marius's means, came to Rome, being thought a much better commander
than Octavius, the soldiers, deserting the consul, came to him and
desired him to take the command of them and preserve the city; that
they, when they had got an experienced valiant commander, should fight
courageously, and come off conquerors. But when Metellus, offended
at it, commanded them angrily to return to the consul, they revolted
to the enemy. Metellus, too, seeing the city in desperate condition,
left it; but a company of Chaldaeans, sacrificers, and interpreters
of the Sibyl's books persuaded Octavius that things could turn out
happily, and kept him at Rome. He was, indeed, of all the Romans the
most upright and just, and maintained the honour of the consulate,
without cringing or compliance, as strictly in accordance with ancient
laws and usages as though they had been immutable mathematical truths;
and yet fell, I know not how, into some weaknesses, giving more observance
to fortune-tellers and diviners, than to men skilled in civil and
military affairs. He therefore, before Marius entered the city, was
pulled down from the rostra and murdered by those that were sent before
by Marius; and it is reported there was a Chaldaean writing found
in his gown when he was slain. And it seemed a thing very unaccountable,
that of two famous generals, Marius should be often successful by
the observing divinations, and Octavius ruined by the same means.

When affairs were in this posture, the senate assembled, and sent
a deputation to Cinna and Marius, desiring them to come into the city
peaceably and spare the citizens. Cinna, as consul, received the embassy,
sitting in the curule chair, and returned a kind answer to the messengers;
Marius stood by him and said nothing, but gave sufficient testimony,
by the gloominess of his countenance and the sternness of his looks,
that he would in a short time fill the city with blood. As soon as
the council arose, they went toward the city, where Cinna entered
with his guards, but Marius stayed at the gates, and, dissembling
his rage, professed that he was then an exile and banished his country
by course of law; that if his presence were necessary, they must,
by a new decree, repeal the former act by which he was banished; as
though he were, indeed, a religious observer of the laws, and as if
he were returning to a city free from fear or oppression. Hereupon
the people were assembled, but before three or four tribes had given
their votes, throwing up his pretences and his legal scruples about
his banishment, he carried into the city with a select guard of the
slaves who had joined him, whom he called Bardyaei. These proceeded
to murder a number of citizens, as he gave command, partly by word
of mouth, partly by the signal of his nod. At length Ancharius, a
senator, and one that had been praetor, coming to Marius, and not
being re-saluted by him, they with their drawn swords slew him before
Marius's face; and henceforth this was their token, immediately to
kill all those who met Marius and saluting him were taken no notice
of, nor answered with the like courtesy; so that his very friends
were not without dreadful apprehensions and horror, whensoever they
came to speak with him. 

When they had now butchered a great number, Cinna grew more remiss
and cloyed with murders; but Marius's rage continued still fresh and
unsatisfied, and he daily sought for all that were any way suspected
by him. Now was every road and every town filled with those that pursued
and hunted them that fled and hid themselves; and it was remarkable
that there was no more confidence to be placed, as things stood, either
in hospitality or friendship; for there were found but a very few
that did not betray those that fled to them for shelter. And thus
the servants of Cornutus deserve the greater praise and admiration,
who, having concealed their master in the house, took the body of
one of the slain, cut off the head, put a gold ring on the finger,
and showed it to Marius's guards, and buried it with the same solemnity
as if it had been their own master. This trick was perceived by nobody,
and so Cornutus escaped, and was conveyed by his domestics into Gaul.

Marcus Antonius, the orator, though he, too, found a true friend,
had ill-fortune. The man was but poor and a plebeian, and as he was
entertaining a man of the greatest rank in Rome, trying to provide
for him with the best he could, he sent his servant to get some wine
of a neighbouring vintner. The servant carefully tasting it and bidding
him draw better, the fellow asked him what was the matter, that he
did not buy new and ordinary wine as he used to do, but richer and
of a greater price; he without any designs told him, as his old friend
and acquaintance, that his master entertained Marcus Antonius, who
was concealed with him. The villainous vintner, as soon as the servant
was gone, went himself to Marius, then at supper, and being brought
into his presence, told him he would deliver Antonius into his hands.
As soon as he heard it, it is said he gave a great shout, and clapped
his hands for joy, and had very nearly risen up and gone to the place
himself; but being detained by his friends, he sent Annius, and some
soldiers with him, and commanded him to bring Antonius's head to him
with all speed. When they came to the house, Annius stayed at the
door, and the soldiers went upstairs into the chamber; where, seeing
Antonius, they endeavoured to shuffle off the murder from one another;
for so great it seems were the graces and charms of his oratory, that
as soon as he began to speak and beg his life, none of them durst
touch or so much as look upon him; but hanging down their heads, every
one fell a-weeping. When their stay seemed something tedious, Annius
came up himself and found Antonius discoursing, and the soldiers astonished
and quite softened by it, and calling them cowards, went himself and
cut off his head. 

Catulus Lutatius, who was colleague with Marius, and his partner in
the triumph over the Cimbri, when Marius replied to those that interceded
for him and begged his life, merely with the words, "He must die,"
shut himself up in a room, and making a great fire, smothered himself.
When maimed and headless carcasses were now frequently thrown about
and trampled upon the streets, people were not so much moved with
compassion at the sight, as struck into a kind of horror and consternation.
The outrages of those that were called Bardyaei was the greatest grievance.
These murdered the masters of families in their own houses, abused
their children, and ravished their wives, and were uncontrollable
in their rapine and murders, till those of Cinna's and Sertorius's
party, taking counsel together, fell upon them in the camp and killed
them every man. 

In the interim, as if a change of wind was coming on, there came news
from all parts that Sylla, having put an end to the war with Mithridates,
and taken possession of the provinces, was returning into Italy with
a great army. This gave some small respite and intermission to these
unspeakable calamities. Marius and his friends believing war to be
close at hand, Marius was chosen consul the seventh time, and appearing
on the very calends of January, the beginning of the year, threw one
Sextus Lucinus from the Tarpeian precipice; an omen, as it seemed,
portending the renewed misfortunes both of their party and of the
city. Marius, himself now worn out with labour and sinking under the
burden of anxieties, could not sustain his spirits, which shook within
him with the apprehension of a new war and fresh encounters and dangers,
the formidable character of which he knew by his own experience. He
was not now to hazard the war with Octavius or Merula, commanding
an inexperienced multitude or seditious rabble; but Sylla himself
was approaching, the same who had formerly banished him, and since
that, had driven Mithridates as far as the Euxine Sea. 

Perplexed with such thoughts as these, and calling to mind his banishment,
and the tedious wanderings and dangers he underwent, both by sea and
land, he fell into despondency, nocturnal frights, and unquiet sleep,
still fancying that he heard some one telling him, that-

" -the lion's lair 
Is dangerous, though the lion be not there." Above all things fearing
to lie awake, he gave himself up to drinking deep and besotting himself
at night in a way most unsuitable to his age; by all means provoking
sleep, as a diversion of his thoughts. At length, on the arrival of
a messenger from the sea, he was seized with new alarms, and so what
with his fear for the future, and what with the burden and satiety
of the present, on some slight predisposing cause, he fell into a
pleurisy, as Posidonius the philosopher relates, who says he visited
and conversed with him when he was sick, about some business relating
to his embassy. Caius Piso, an historian, tells us that Marius, walking
after supper with his friends, fell into a conversation with them
about his past life, and after reckoning up the several changes of
his condition that from the beginning had happened to him, said, that
it did not become a prudent man to trust himself any longer with fortune;
and, thereupon taking leave of those that were with him, he kept his
bed seven days, and then died. 

Some say his ambition betrayed itself openly in his sickness, and
that he ran into an extravagant frenzy fancying himself to be general
in the war against Mithridates, throwing himself into such postures
and motions of his body as he had formerly used when he was in battle,
with frequent shouts and loud cries. With so strong and invincible
a desire of being employed in that business had he been possessed
through his pride and emulation. Though he had now lived seventy years,
and was the first man that ever was chosen seven times consul, and
had an establishment and riches sufficient for many kings he yet complained
of his ill-fortune, that he must now die before he had attained what
he desired. Plato, when he saw his death approaching, thanked the
guiding providence and fortune of his life first, that he was born
a man and a Grecian, not a barbarian or a brute, and next, that he
happened to live in Socrates's age. And so, indeed, they say Antipater
of Tarsus, in like manner, at his death, calling to mind the happiness
that he had enjoyed, did not so much as omit his prosperous voyage
to Athens; thus recognizing every favour of his indulgent fortune
with the greatest acknowledgments, and carefully saving all to the
last in that safest of human treasure-chambers, the memory. Unmindful
and thoughtless persons, on the contrary, let all that occurs to them
slip away from them as time passes on. Retaining and preserving nothing,
they lose the enjoyment of their present prosperity by fancying something
better to come; whereas by fortune we may be prevented to this, but
that cannot be taken from us. Yet they reject their present success,
as though it did not concern them, and do nothing but dream of future
uncertainties; not indeed unnaturally; as till men have by reason
and education laid a good