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By Plutarch

(died 43 B.C.E.)

Translated by John Dryden

IT is generally said, that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was both
well-born and lived a fair life; but of his father nothing is reported
but in extremes. For whilst some would have him the son of a fuller,
and educated in that trade, others carry back the origin of his family
to Tullus Attius, an illustrious king of the Volscians, who waged
war not without honour against the Romans. However, he who first of
that house was surnamed Cicero seems to have been a person worthy
to be remembered; since those who succeeded him not only did not reject,
but were fond of that name, though vulgarly made a matter of reproach.
For the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and a nick or dent at the tip of
his nose, which resembled the opening in a vetch, gave him the surname
of Cicero. 

Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with spirit
to some of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside or change
the name when he first stood for office and engaged in politics, that
he would make it his endeavour to render the name of Cicero more glorious
than that of the Scauri and Catuli. And when he was quaestor in Sicily,
and was making an offering of silver plate to the gods, and had inscribed
his two names, Marcus and Tullius, instead of the third, he jestingly
told the artificer to engrave the figure of a vetch by them. Thus
much is told us about his name. 

Of his birth it is reported that his mother was delivered, without
pain or labour, on the third of the new Calends, the same day on which
now the magistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice for the emperor. It
is said also, that a vision appeared to his nurse, and foretold the
child she then suckled should afterwards become a great benefit to
the Roman states. To such presages, which might in general be thought
mere fancies and idle talk, he himself ere long gave the credit of
true prophecies. For as soon as he was of an age to begin to have
lessons, he became so distinguished for his talent, and got such a
name and reputation among the boys, that their fathers would often
visit the school that they might see young Cicero, and might be able
to say that they themselves had witnessed the quickness and readiness
in learning for which he was renowned. And the more rude among them
used to be angry with their children, to see them, as they walked
together, receiving Cicero with respect into the middle place. And
being, as Plato would have the scholar-like and philosophical temper,
eager for every kind of learning, and indisposed to no description
of knowledge or instruction, he showed, however, a more peculiar propensity
to poetry; and there is a poem now extant made by him when a boy,
in tetrameter verse, called Pontius Glaucus. And afterwards, when
he applied himself more curiously to these accomplishments, he had
the name of being not only the best orator, but also the best poet
of Rome. And the glory of his rhetoric still remains, notwithstanding
the many new modes in speaking since his time; but his verses are
forgotten and out of all repute, so many ingenious poets have followed

Leaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the Academic,
whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of Clitomachus, admired
for his eloquence and loved for his character. He also sought the
company of the Mucii, who were eminent statesmen and leaders in the
senate, and acquired from them a knowledge of the laws. For some short
time he served in arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But perceiving
the commonwealth running into factions, and from faction all things
tending to an absolute monarchy, he betook himself to a retired and
contemplative life, and conversing with the learned Greeks, devoted
himself to study, till Sylla had obtained the government, and the
commonwealth was in some kind of settlement. 

At this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having laid
an information about an estate belonging to one who was said to have
been put to death by proscription, had bought it himself for two thousand
drachmas. And when Roscius, the son and heir of the dead, complained,
and demonstrated the estate to be worth two hundred and fifty talents,
Sylla took it angrily to have his actions questioned, and preferred
a process against Roscius for the of his father, Chrysogonus managing
the evidence. None of the advocates durst assist him, but, fearing
the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the cause. The young man, being thus
deserted, came for refuge to Cicero. Cicero's friends encouraged him,
saying he was not likely ever to have a fairer and more honourable
introduction to public life; he therefore undertook the defence, carried
the cause, and got much renown for it. 

But fearing Sylla, he travelled into Greece, and gave it out that
he did so for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean and
meagre, and had such a weakness in his stomach that he could take
nothing but a spare and thin diet, and that not till late in the evening.
His voice was loud and good, but so harsh and unmanaged that in vehemence
and heat of speaking he always raised it to so high a tone that there
seemed to be reason to fear about his health. 

When he came to Athens he was a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon, with
whose fluency and elegance of diction he was much taken, although
he did not approve of his innovations in doctrine. For Antiochus had
now fallen off from the New Academy, as they call it, and forsaken
the sect of Carneades, whether that he was moved by the argument of
manifestness and the senses, or, as some say, had been led by feelings
of rivalry and opposition to the followers of Clitomachus and Philo
to change his opinions, and in most things to embrace the doctrine
of the Stoics. But Cicero rather affected and adhered to the doctrines
of the New Academy; and purposed with himself, if he should be disappointed
of any employment in the commonwealth, to retire hither from pleading
and political affairs, and to pass his life with quiet in the study
of philosophy. 

But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his body,
strengthened again by exercise, was come to a vigorous habit, his
voice managed and rendered sweet and full to the ear and pretty well
brought into keeping with his general constitution, his friends at
Rome earnestly soliciting him by letters, and Antiochus also urging
him to return to public affairs, he again prepared for use his orator's
instrument of rhetoric, and summoned into action his political faculties,
diligently exercising himself in declamations and attending the most
celebrated rhetoricians of the time. He sailed from Athens for Asia
and Rhodes. Amongst the Asian masters, he conversed with Xenocles
of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes,
he studied oratory with Apollonius, the son of Molon, and philosophy
with Posidonius. Apollonius, we are told, not understanding Latin,
requested Cicero to declaim in Greek. He complied willingly, thinking
that his faults would thus be better pointed out to him. And after
he finished, all his other hearers were astonished, and contended
who should praise him most, but Apollonius, who had shown no signs
of excitement whilst he was hearing him, so also now, when it was
over, sate musing for some considerable time, without any remark.
And when Cicero was discomposed at this, he said, "You have my praise
and admiration, Cicero, and Greece my pity and commiseration, since
those arts and that eloquence which are the only glories that remain
to her, will now be transferred by you to Rome." 

And now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon political
affairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his inclination for
consulting the god of Delphi how he should attain most glory, the
Pythoness answered, by making his own genius and not the opinion of
the people the guide of his life; and therefore at first he passed
his time in Rome cautiously, and was very backward in pretending to
public offices, so that he was at that time in little esteem, and
had got the names, so readily given by low and ignorant people in
Rome, of Greek and Scholar. But when his own desire of fame and the
eagerness of his father and relations had made him take in earnest
to pleading, he made no slow or gentle advance to the first place,
but shone out in full lustre at once, and far surpassed all the advocates
of the bar. At first, it is said, he, as well as Demosthenes, was
defective in his delivery, and on that account paid much attention
to the instructions sometimes of Roscius the comedian, and sometimes
of Aesop the tragedian. They tell of this Aesop, that whilst he was
representing on the theatre Atreus deliberating the revenge of Thyestes,
he was so transported beyond himself in the beat of action, that he
struck with his sceptre one of the servants, who was running across
the stage, so violently that he laid him dead upon the place. And
such afterwards was Cicero's delivery that it did not a little contribute
to render his eloquence persuasive. He used to ridicule loud speakers,
saying that they shouted because they could not speak, like lame men
who get on horseback because they cannot walk. And his readiness and
address in sarcasm, and generally in witty sayings, was thought to
suit a pleader very well, and to be highly attractive, but his using
it to excess offended many, and gave him the repute of ill-nature.

He was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn and had Sicily
for his province, where though at first he displeased many, by compelling
them to send in their provisions to Rome, yet after they had had experience
of his care, justice, and clemency, they honoured him more than ever
they did any of their governors before. It happened, also, that some
young Romans of good and noble families, charged with neglect of discipline
and misconduct in military service, were brought before the praetor
in Sicily. Cicero undertook their defence, which he conducted admirably,
and got them acquitted. So returning to Rome with a great opinion
of himself for these things, a ludicrous incident befell him, as he
tells us himself. Meeting an eminent citizen in Campania, whom he
accounted his friend, he asked him what the Romans said and thought
of his actions, as if the whole city had been filled with the glory
of what he had done. His friend asked him in reply, "Where is it you
have been, Cicero?" This for the time utterly mortified and cast him
down to perceive that the report of his actions had sunk into the
city of Rome as into an immense ocean, without any visible effect
or result in reputation. And afterwards considering with himself that
the glory he contended for was an infinite thing, and that there was
no fixed end nor measure in its pursuit, he abated much of his ambitious
thoughts. Nevertheless, he was always excessively pleased with his
own praise, and continued to the very last to be passionately fond
of glory; which often interfered with the prosecution of his wisest

On beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public business,
he remarked it as an and absurd thing that artificers, using vessels
and instruments inanimate, should know the name, place, and use of
every one of them, and yet the statesman, whose instruments for carrying
out public measures are men, should be negligent and careless in the
knowledge of persons. And so be not only acquainted himself with the
names, but also knew the particular place where every one of the more
eminent citizens dwelt, what lands he possessed, the friends he made
use of, and those that were of his neighbourhood, and when he travelled
on any road in Italy, he could readily name and show the estates and
seats of his friends and acquaintance. Having so small an estate,
though a sufficient competency for his own expenses, it was much wondered
at that he took neither fees nor gifts from his clients, and more
especially that he did not do so when he undertook the prosecution
of Verres. This Verres, who had been praetor of Sicily, and stood
charged by the Sicilians of many evil practices during his government
there, Cicero succeeded in getting condemned, not by speaking, but
in a manner by holding his tongue. For the praetors, favouring Verres,
had deferred the trial by several adjournments to the last day, in
which it was evident there could not be sufficient time for the advocates
to be heard, and the cause brought to an issue. Cicero, therefore,
came forward, and said there was no need of speeches; and after producing
and examining witnesses, he required the judges to proceed to sentence.
However, many witty sayings are on record, as having been used by
Cicero on the occasion. When a man named Caecilius, one of the freed
slaves, who was said to be given to Jewish practices, would have put
by the Sicilians, and undertaken the prosecution of Verres himself,
Cicero asked, "What has a Jew to do with swine?" verres being the
Roman word for a boar. And when Verres began to reproach Cicero with
effeminate living, "You ought," replied he, "to use this language
at home, to your sons;" Verres having a son who had fallen into disgraceful
courses. Hortensius the orator, not daring directly to undertake the
defence of Verres, was yet persuaded to appear for him at the laying
on of the fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his reward; and when
Cicero in some passage of the speech, obliquely reflected on him,
and Hortensius told him he was not skilful in solving riddles, "No,"
said Cicero, "and yet you have the sphinx in your house!"

Verres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at seventy-five
myriads, lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by bribery to
lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in testimony of their gratitude,
came and brought him all sorts of presents from the island, when he
was aedile; of which he made no private profit himself, but used their
generosity only to reduce the public price of provisions.

He had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near Naples,
and another about Pompeii, but neither of any great value. The portion
of his wife, Terentia, amounted to ten myriads, and he had a bequest
valued at nine myriads of denarii; upon these he lived in a liberal
but temperate style with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his
familiars. He rarely, if at any time, sat down to meat till sunset,
and that not so much on account of business, as for his health and
the weakness of his stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his body
nice and delicate, appointing himself, for example, a set number of
walks and rubbings. And after this manner managing the habit of his
body, he brought it in time to be healthful, and capable of supporting
many great fatigues and trials. His father's house he made over to
his brother, living himself near the Palatine hill, that he might
not give the trouble of long journeys to those that made suit to him.
And, indeed, there were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to
do their court to him, than there were that came to Crassus for his
riches, or to Pompey for his power amongst the soldiers, these being
at that time the two men of the greatest repute and influence in Rome.
Nay, even Pompey himself used to pay court to Cicero, and Cicero's
public actions did much to establish Pompey's authority and reputation
in the state. 

Numerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the praetor's
office; but he was chosen before them all, and managed the decision
of causes with justice and integrity. It is related that Licinius
Macer, a man himself of great power in the city, and supported also
by the assistance of Crassus, was accused before him of extortion,
and that, in confidence on his own interest and the diligence of his
friends, whilst the judges were debating about the sentence, he went
to his house, where hastily trimming his hair and putting on a clean
gown as already acquitted, he was setting off again to go to the Forum;
but at his hall door meeting Crassus, who told him that he was condemned
by all the votes, he went in again, threw himself upon his bed, and
died immediately. This verdict was considered very creditable to Cicero,
as showing his careful management of the courts of justice. On another
occasion, Vatinius, a man of rude manners and often insolent in court
to the magistrates, who had large swellings on his neck, came before
his tribunal and made some request, and on Cicero's desiring further
time to consider it, told him that he himself would have made no question
about it had he been praetor. Cicero, turning quickly upon him, answered,
"But I, you see, have not the neck that you have." 

When there were but two or three days remaining in his office, Manilius
was brought before him, and charged with peculation. Manilius had
the good opinion and favour of the common people, and was thought
to be prosecuted only for Pompey's sake, whose particular friend he
was. And therefore, when he asked a space of time before his trial,
and Cicero allowed him but one day, and that the next only, the common
people grew highly offended, because it had been the custom of the
praetors to allow ten days at least to the accused; and the tribunes
of the people, having called him before the people and accused him,
he, desiring to be heard, said, that as he had always treated the
accused with equity and humanity, as far as the law allowed, so he
thought it hard to deny the same to Manilius, and that he had studiously
appointed that day of which alone, as praetor, he was master, and
that it was not the part of those that were desirous to help him to
cast the judgment of his cause upon another praetor. These things
being said made a wonderful change in the people, and commending him
much for it they desired that he himself would undertake the defence
of Manilius; which he willingly consented to, and that principally
for the sake of Pompey, who was absent. And, accordingly, taking his
place before the people again, he delivered a bold invective upon
the oligarchical party and on those who were jealous of Pompey.

Yet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles than
the common people, for the good of the city; and both parties jointly
assisted his promotion, upon the following reasons. The change of
government made by Sylla, which at first seemed a senseless one by
time and usage had now come to be considered by the people no unsatisfactory
settlement. But there were some that endeavoured to alter and subvert
the whole present state of affairs, not from any good motives, but
for their own private gain; and Pompey being at this time employed
in the wars with the kings of Pontus and Armenia, there was no sufficient
force at Rome to suppress any attempts at a revolution. These people
had for their head a man of bold, daring, and restless character,
Lucius Catiline, who was accused, besides other great offences, of
deflowering his virgin daughter, and killing his own brother; for
which latter crime, fearing to be prosecuted at law, he persuaded
Sylla to set him down, as though he were yet alive, amongst those
that were to be put to death by proscription. This man the profligate
citizens choosing for their captain, gave faith to one another, amongst
other pledges, by sacrificing a man, and eating of his flesh; and
a great part of the young men of the city were corrupted by him, he
providing for every one pleasures, drink, and women, and profusely
supplying the expense of these debauches. Etruria, moreover, had all
been excited to revolt, as well as a great part of Gaul within the
Alps. But Rome itself was in the most dangerous inclination to change
on account of the unequal distribution of wealth and property, those
of highest rank and greatest spirit having impoverished themselves
by shows, entertainments, ambition of offices, and sumptuous buildings,
and the riches of the city having thus fallen into the hands of mean
and low-born persons. So that there wanted but a slight impetus to
set all in motion, it being in the power of every daring man to overturn
a sickly commonwealth. 

Catiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position to
carry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had great hopes
of success, thinking he should be appointed with Caius Antonius as
his colleague, who was a man fit to lead neither in a good cause nor
in a bad one, but might be a valuable accession to another's power.
These things the greatest part of the good and honest citizens apprehending,
put Cicero upon standing for the consulship; whom the people readily
receiving Catiline was put by, so that he and Caius Antonius were
chosen, although amongst the competitors he was the only man descended
from a father of the equestrian and not of the senatorial order.

Though the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet considerable
preliminary troubles immediately followed upon Cicero's entrance upon
the consulship. For, on the one side, those who were disqualified
by the laws of Sylla from holding any public offices, being neither
inconsiderable in power nor in number, came forward as candidates
and caressed the people for them; speaking many things truly and justly
against the tyranny of Sylla, only that they disturbed the government
at an improper and unseasonable time; on the other hand, the tribunes
of the people proposed laws to the same purpose, constituting a commission
of ten persons, with unlimited powers, in whom as supreme governors
should be vested the right of selling the public lands of all Italy
and Syria and Pompey's new conquest, of judging and banishing whom
they pleased, of planting colonies, of taking moneys out of the treasury,
and of levying and paying what soldiers should be thought needful.
And several of the nobility favoured this law, but especially Caius
Antonius, Cicero's colleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But
what gave the greatest fear to the nobles was, that he was thought
privy to the conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it because
of his great debts. 

Cicero, endeavouring in the first place to provide a remedy against
this danger, procured a decree assigning to him the province of Macedonia,
he himself declining that of Gaul, which was offered to him. And this
piece of favour so completely won over Antonius, that he was ready
to second and respond to, like a hired player, whatever Cicero said
for the good of the country. And now, having made his colleague thus
tame and tractable, he could with greater courage attack the conspirators.
And, therefore, in the senate, making an oration against the law of
the ten commissioners, he so confounded those who proposed it, that
they had nothing to reply. And when they again endeavoured, and, having
prepared things beforehand, had called the consuls before the assembly
of the people, Cicero, fearing nothing, went first out, and commanded
the senate to follow him, and not only succeeded in throwing out the
law, but so entirely overpowered the tribunes by his oratory, that
they abandoned all thought of their other projects. 

For Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others who
made the Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to what is
good, and how invincible justice is, if it be well spoken; and that
it is necessary for him who would dexterously govern a commonwealth,
in action, always to prefer that which is honest before that which
is popular, and in speaking, to free the right and useful measure
from everything that may occasion offence. An incident occurred in
the theatre, during his consulship, which showed what his speaking
could do. For whereas formerly the knights of Rome were mingled in
the theatre with the common people, and took their places among them
as it happened, Marcus Otho, when he was praetor, was the first who
distinguished them from the other citizens and appointed them a proper
seat, which they still enjoy as their special place in the theatre.
This the common people took as an indignity done to them, and, therefore,
when Otho appeared in the theatre they hissed him; the knights, on
the contrary, received him with loud clapping. The people repeated
and increased their hissing; the knights continued their clapping.
Upon this, turning upon one another, they broke out into insulting
words, so that the theatre was in great disorder. Cicero being informed
of it, came himself to the theatre, and summoning the people into
the temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid and chastised them for
it, that again returning into the theatre they received Otho with
loud applause, contending with the knights who should give him the
greatest demonstrations of honour and respect. 

The conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened, began
presently to take courage again. And assembling themselves together,
they exhorted one another boldly to undertake the design before Pompey's
return, who, as it was said, was now on his march with his forces
for Rome. But the old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's chief stimulus
to action. They had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest
number and the fiercest of them lay scattered among the cities of
Etruria entertaining themselves with dreams of new plunder and rapine
amongst the hoarded riches of Italy. These, having for their leader
Manlius, who had served with distinction in the wars under Sylla,
joined themselves to Catiline, and came to Rome to assist him with
their suffrages at the election. For he again pretended to the consulship,
having resolved to kill Cicero in a tumult at the elections. Also,
the divine powers seemed to give intimation of the coming troubles,
by earthquakes, thunderbolts, and strange appearances. Nor was human
evidence wanting certain enough in itself, though not sufficient for
the conviction of the noble and powerful Catiline. Therefore Cicero,
deferring the day of election, summoned Catiline into the senate,
and questioned him as to the charges made against him. Catiline, believing
there were many in the senate desirous of change, and to give a specimen
of himself to the conspirators present, returned an audacious answer,
"What harm," said he, "when I see two bodies, the one lean and consumptive
with a head, the other great and strong without one, if I put a head
to that body which wants one?" This covert representation of the senate
and the people excited yet greater apprehensions in Cicero. He put
on armour, and was attended from his house by the noble citizens in
a body; and a number of the young men went with him into the Plain.
Here designedly letting his tunic slip partly off from his shoulders,
he showed his armour underneath, and discovered his danger to the
spectators; who, being much moved at it, gathered round about him
for his defence. At length, Catiline was by a general suffrage again
put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen consuls. 

Not long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body in
Etruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day appointed
for the design being near at hand. About midnight, some of the principal
and most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus,
and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's house, where, knocking at the
gate, and calling up the porter, they commanded him to awake Cicero,
and tell him they were there. The business was this: Crassus's porter
after supper had delivered to him letters brought by an unknown person.
Some of them were directed to others, but one to Crassus, without
a name; this only Crassus read, which informed him that there was
a great slaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave the
city. The others he did not open, but went with them immediately to
Cicero, being affrighted at the danger, and to free himself of the
suspicion he lay under for his familiarity with Catiline. Cicero,
considering the matter, summoned the senate at break of day. The letters
he brought with him, and delivered them to those to whom they were
directed, commanding them to read them publicly; they all alike contained
an account of the conspiracy. And when Quintus Arrius a man of praetorian
dignity, recounted to them how soldiers were collecting in companies
in Etruria, and Manlius stated to be in motion with a large force,
hovering about those cities, in expectation of intelligence from Rome,
the senate made a decree to place all in the hands of the consuls,
who should undertake the conduct of everything, and do their best
to save the state. This was not a common thing, but only done by the
senate in case of imminent danger. 

After Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs outside
to Quintus Metellus, but the management of the city he kept in his
own hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him every day when he
went abroad, that the greatest part of the market-place was filled
with his train when he entered it. Catiline, impatient of further
delay, resolved himself to break forth and go to Manlius, but he commanded
Marcius and Cethegus to take their swords, and go early in the morning
to Cicero's gates, as if only intending to salute him, and then to
fall upon him and slay him. This a noble lady, Fulvia, coming by night,
discovered to Cicero, bidding him beware of Cethegus and Marcius.
They came by break of day and being denied entrance, made an outcry
and disturbance at the gates, which excited all the more suspicion.
But Cicero, going forth, summoned the senate into the temple of Jupiter
Stator, which stands at the end of the Sacred Street, going up to
the Palatine. And when Catiline with others of his party also came,
as intending to make his defence, none of the senators would sit by
him, but all of them left the bench where he had placed himself. And
when he began to speak, they interrupted him with outcries. At length
Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave the city, for since one
governed the commonwealth with words, the other with arms, it was
necessary there should be a wall betwixt them. Catiline, therefore,
immediately left the town, with three hundred armed men; and assuming,
as if he had been a magistrate, the rods, axes, and military ensigns,
he went to Manlius, and having got together a body of near twenty
thousand men, with these he marched to the several cities, endeavouring
to persuade or force them to revolt. So it being now come to open
war, Antonius was sent forth to fight him. 

The remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted, Cornelius
Lentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the surname Sura, and
was a man of a noble family, but a dissolute liver, who for his debauchery
was formerly turned out of the senate, and was now holding the office
of praetor for the second time, as the custom is with those who desire
to regain the dignity of senator. It is said that he got the surname
Sura upon this occasion; being quaestor in the time of Sylla, he had
lavished away and consumed a great quantity of the public moneys,
at which Sylla being provoked, called him to give an account in the
senate; he appeared with great coolness and contempt, and said he
had no account to give, but they might take this, holding up the calf
of his leg, as boys do at ball, when they have missed. Upon which
he was surnamed Sura, sura being the Roman word for the calf of the
leg. Being at another time prosecuted at law, and having bribed some
of the judges, he escaped only by two votes and complained of the
needless expense he had gone to in paying for a second, as one would
have sufficed to acquit him. This man, such in his own nature, and
now inflamed by Catiline, false prophets and fortune-tellers had also
corrupted with vain hopes, quoting to him fictitious verses and oracles,
and proving from the Sibylline prophecies that there were three of
the name Cornelius designed by fate to be monarchs of Rome; two of
whom, Cinna and Sylla, had already fulfilled the decree, and that
divine fortune was now advancing with the gift of monarchy for the
remaining third Cornelius; and that therefore he ought by all means
to accept it, and not lose opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done.

Lentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he had
resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other citizens as he
could, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except only Pompey's children,
intending to seize and keep them as pledges of his reconciliation
with Pompey. For there was then a common and strong report that Pompey
was on his way homeward from his great expedition. The night appointed
for the design was one of the Saturnalia; swords, flax, and sulphur
they carried and hid in the house of Cethegus; and providing one hundred
men, and dividing the city into as many parts, they had allotted to
every one singly his proper place, so that in a moment, many kindling
the fire, the city might be in a flame all together. Others were appointed
to stop up the aqueducts, and to kill those who should endeavour to
carry water to put it out. Whilst these plans were preparing, it happened
there were two ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a
nation at that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under
the Roman government. These Lentulus and his party judging useful
instruments to move and seduce Gaul to revolt, admitted into the conspiracy
and they gave them letters to their own magistrates, and letters to
Catiline; in those they promised liberty, in these they exhorted Catiline
to set all slaves free, and to bring them along with him to Rome.
They sent also to accompany them to Catiline, one Titus, a native
of Croton, who was to carry those letters to him. 

These counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over wine
and with women, Cicero watched with sober industry and forethought,
and with most admirable sagacity, having several emissaries abroad,
who observed and traced with him all that was done, and keeping also
a secret correspondence with many who pretended to join in the conspiracy.
He thus knew all the discourse which passed betwixt them and the strangers;
and lying in wait for them by night, he took the Crotonian with his
letters, the ambassadors of the Allobroges acting secretly in concert
with him. 

By break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of Concord,
where he read the letters and examined the informers. Junius Silanus
further stated that several persons had heard Cethegus say that three
consuls and four praetors were to be slain. Piso, also, a person of
consular dignity, testified other matters of the like nature; and
Caius Sulpicius, one of the praetors, being sent to Cethegus's house,
found there a quantity of darts and of armour, and a still greater
number of swords and daggers, all recently whetted. At length, the
senate decreeing indemnity to the Crotonian upon his confession of
the whole matter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his office (for
he was then praetor), and put off his robe edged with purple in the
senate, changing it for another garment more agreeable to his present
circumstances. He thereupon, with the rest of his confederates present,
was committed to the charge of the praetors in free custody.

It being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting without,
Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done, and then,
attended by them, went to the house of a friend and near neighbour;
for his own was taken up by the women who were celebrating, with secret
rites the feast of the goddess whom the Romans call the Good, and
the Greeks the Women's goddess. For a sacrifice is annually performed
to her in the consul's house, either by his wife or mother, in the
presence of the vestal virgins. And having got into his friend's house
privately, a few only being present, he began to deliberate how he
should treat these men. The severest, and the only punishment fit
for such heinous crimes, he was somewhat shy and fearful of inflicting,
as well from the clemency of his nature, as also lest he should be
thought to exercise his authority too insolently, and to treat too
harshly men of the noblest birth and most powerful friendships in
the city; and yet, if he should use them more mildly, he had a dreadful
prospect of danger from them. For there was no likelihood, if they
suffered less than death, they would be reconciled, but rather, adding
new rage to their former wickedness, they would rush into every kind
of audacity, while he himself, whose character for courage already
did not stand very high with the multitude, would be thought guilty
of the greatest cowardice and want of manliness. 

Whilst Cicero was doubting what course to take, a portent happened
to the women in their sacrificing. For on the altar, where the fire
seemed wholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth
from the ashes of the burnt wood; at which others were affrighted,
but the holy virgins called to Terentia, Cicero's wife, and bade her
haste to her husband, and command him to execute what he had resolved
for the good of his country, for the goddess had sent a great light
to the increase of his safety and glory. Terentia, therefore, as she
was otherwise in her own nature neither tender-hearted nor timorous,
but a woman eager for distinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would
rather thrust herself into his public affairs, than communicate her
domestic matters to him), told him these things, and excited him against
the conspirators. So also did Quintus his brother, and Publius Nigidius,
one of his philosophical friends, whom he often made use of in his
greatest and most weighty affairs of state. 

The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the punishment
of the men, Silanus, being the first who was asked his opinion, said
it was fit they should be all sent to the prison, and there suffer
the utmost penalty. To him all consented in order till it came to
Caius Caesar, who was afterwards dictator. He was then but a young
man, and only at the outset of his career, but had already directed
his hopes and policy to that course by which he afterwards changed
the Roman state into a monarchy. Of this others foresaw nothing; but
Cicero had seen reason for strong suspicion, though without obtaining
any sufficient means of proof. And there were some indeed that said
that he was very near being discovered, and only just escaped him;
others are of opinion that Cicero voluntarily overlooked and neglected
the evidence against him, for fear of his friends and power; for it
was very evident to everybody that if Caesar was to be accused with
the conspirators, they were more likely to be saved with him, than
he to be punished with them. 

When, therefore, it came to Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he
stood up and proposed that the conspirators should not be put to death,
but their estates confiscated, and their persons confined in such
cities in Italy as Cicero should approve, there to be kept in custody
till Catiline was conquered. To this sentence, as it was the most
moderate, and he that delivered it a most powerful speaker, Cicero
himself gave no small weight, for he stood up and, turning the scale
on either side, spoke in favour partly of the former, partly of Caesar's
sentence. And all Cicero's friends, judging Caesar's sentence most
expedient for Cicero, because he would incur the less blame if the
conspirators were not put to death, chose rather the latter; so that
Silanus, also changing his mind, retracted his opinion, and said he
had not declared for capital, but only the utmost punishment, which
to a Roman senator is imprisonment. The first man who spoke Against
Caesar's motion was Catulus Lutatius. Cato followed, and so vehemently
urged in his speech the strong suspicion against Caesar himself, and
so filled the senate with anger and resolution, that a decree was
passed for the execution of the conspirators. But Caesar opposed the
confiscation of their goods, not thinking it fair that those who rejected
the mildest part of his sentence should avail themselves of the severest.
And when many insisted upon it, he appealed to the tribunes, but they
would do nothing; till Cicero himself yielding, remitted that part
of the sentence. 

After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators; they
were not all together in one place, but the several praetors had them,
some one, some another, in custody. And first he took Lentulus from
the Palatine, and brought him by the Sacred Street, through the middle
of the market-place, a circle of the most eminent citizens encompassing
and protecting him. The people, affrighted at what was doing, passed
along in silence, especially the young men; as if, with fear and trembling,
they were undergoing a rite of initiation into some ancient sacred
mysteries of aristocratic power. Thus passing from the market-place,
and coming to the gaol, he delivered Lentulus to the officer, and
commanded him to execute him; and after him Cethegus, and so all the
rest in order, he brought and delivered up to execution. And when
he saw many of the conspirators in the market-place, still standing
together in companies, ignorant of what was done, and waiting for
the night, supposing the men were still alive and in a possibility
of being rescued, he called out in a loud voice, and said, "They did
live;" for so the Romans, to avoid inauspicious language, name those
that are dead. 

It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to his
own house, the citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor
in order, but receiving him, as he passed, with acclamations and applauses,
and saluting him as the saviour and founder of his country. A bright
light shone through the streets from the lamps and torches set up
at the doors, and the women showed lights from the tops of the houses,
to honour Cicero, and to behold him returning home with a splendid
train of the most principal citizens; amongst whom were many who had
conducted great wars, celebrated triumphs, and added to the possessions
of the Roman empire, both by sea and land. These, as they passed along
with him, acknowledged to one another, that though the Roman people
were indebted to several officers and commanders of that age for riches,
spoils, and power, yet to Cicero alone they owed the safety and security
of all these, for delivering them from so great and imminent a danger.
For though it might seem no wonderful thing to present the design,
and punish the conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all conspiracies
with so little disturbance, trouble, and commotion, was very extraordinary.
For the greater part of those who had flocked in to Catiline, as soon
as they heard the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, left and forsook
him, and he himself, with his remaining forces, joining battle with
Antonius, was destroyed with his army. 

And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of Cicero,
and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for their leaders
some of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as Caesar, who was one
of the praetors, and Metellus and Bestia, the tribunes. These, entering
upon their office some few days before Cicero's consulate expired,
would not permit him to make any address to the people, but throwing
the benches before the rostra, hindered his speaking, telling him
he might, if he pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from office,
and then come down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the conditions,
came forward to make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he recited
his oath, not in the usual, but in a new and peculiar form, namely,
that he had saved his country and preserved the empire; the truth
of which oath all the people confirmed with theirs. Caesar and the
tribunes, all the more exasperated by this, endeavoured to create
him further trouble, and for this purpose proposed a law for calling
Pompey home with his army, to put an end to Cicero's usurpation. But
it was a very great advantage for Cicero and the whole commonwealth
that Cato was at that time one of the tribunes. For he, being of (equal
power with the rest and of greater reputation, could oppose their
designs. He easily defeated their other projects, and in an oration
to the people so highly extolled Cicero's consulate, that the greatest
honours were decreed him, and he was publicly declared the Father
of his Country, which title he seems to have obtained, the first man
who did so, when Cato gave it to him in this address to the people.

At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the city;
but he treated himself much envy, and offended very many, not by any
evil action, but because he was always lauding and magnifying himself.
For neither senate, nor assembly of the people, nor court of judicature
could meet, in which he was not heard to talk of Catiline and Lentulus.
Indeed, he also filled his books and writings with his own praises,
to such an excess as to render a style, in itself most pleasant and
delightful, nauseous and irksome to his hearers; this ungrateful humour
like a disease, always cleaving to him. Nevertheless, though he was
intemperately fond of his own glory, he was very free from envying
others, and was, on the contrary, most liberally profuse in commending
both the ancients and his contemporaries, as any one may see in his
writings. And many such sayings of his are also remembered; as that
he called Aristotle a river of flowing gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues,
that if Jupiter were to speak, it would be in language like theirs.
He used to call Theophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which
of Demosthenes's orations he liked best, he answered, the longest.
And yet some affected imitators of Demosthenes have complained of
some words that occur in one of his letters, to the effect that Demosthenes
sometimes falls asleep in his speeches; forgetting the many high encomiums
he continually passes upon him, and the compliment he paid him when
he named the most elaborate of all his orations, those he wrote against
Antony, Philippics. And as for the eminent men of his own time, either
in eloquence or philosophy, there was not one of them whom he did
not, by writing or speaking favourably of him, render more illustrious.
He obtained of Caesar, when in power, the Roman citizenship for Cratippus,
the Peripatetic, and got the court of Areopagus, by public decree,
to request his stay at Athens, for the instruction of their youth
and the honour of their city. There are letters extant from Cicero
to Herodes, and others to his son, in which he recommends the study
of philosophy under Cratippus. There is one in which he blames Gorgias,
the rhetorician, for enticing his son into luxury and drinking, and,
therefore, forbids him his company. And this, and one other to Pelops,
the Byzantine, are the only two of his Greek epistles which seem to
be written in anger. In the first, he justly reflects on Gorgias,
if he were what he was thought to be, a dissolute and profligate character;
but in the other, he rather meanly expostulates and complains with
Pelops for neglecting to procure him a decree of certain honours from
the Byzantines. 

Another illustration of his love of praise is the way in which sometimes,
to make his orations more striking, he neglected decorum and dignity.
When Munatius, who had escaped conviction by his advocacy, immediately
prosecuted his friend Sabinus, he said in the warmth of his resentment,
"Do you suppose you were acquitted for your own merits, Munatius,
and was it not that I so darkened the case, that the court could not
see your guilt?" When from the rostra he had made a eulogy on Marcus
Crassus, with much applause, and within a few days after again as
publicly reproached him, Crassus called to him, and said, "Did not
you yourself two days ago, in this same place, commend me?" "Yes,"
said Cicero, "I exercised my eloquence in declaiming upon a bad subject."
At another time, Crassus had said that no one of his family had ever
lived beyond sixty years of age, and afterwards denied it, and asked,
"What should put it into my head to say so?" "It was to gain the people's
favour," answered Cicero; "you knew how glad they would be to hear
it." When Crassus expressed admiration of the Stoic doctrine, that
the good man is always rich, "Do you not mean," said Cicero, "their
doctrine that all things belong to the wise?" Crassus being generally
accused of covetousness. One of Crassus's sons, who was thought so
exceedingly like a man of the name of Axius as to throw some suspicion
on his mother's honour, made a successful speech in the senate. Cicero,
on being asked how he liked it, replied with the Greek words Axios

When Crassus was about to go into Syria, he desired to leave Cicero
rather his friend than his enemy, and, therefore, one day saluting
him, told him he would come and sup with him, which the other as courteously
received. Within a few days after, on some of Cicero's acquaintances
interceding for Vatinius, as desirous of reconciliation and friendship,
for he was then his enemy, "What," he replied, "does Vatinius also
wish to come and sup with me?" Such was his way with Crassus. When
Vatinius, who had swellings in his neck, was pleading a cause he called
him the tumid orator; and having been told by some one that Vatinius
was dead, on hearing, presently after, that he was alive, "May the
rascal perish," said he. "for his news not being true." 

Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the lands
in Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate opposed it; amongst
the rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest men in the house, said
it should never pass whilst he lived. "Let us postpone it," said Cicero,
"Gellius does not ask us to wait long." There was a man of the name
of Octavius, suspected to be of African descent. He once said, when
Cicero was pleading, that he could not hear him; "Yet there are holes"
said Cicero, "in your ears." When Metellus Nepos told him that he
had ruined more as a witness than he had saved as an advocate, "I
admit," said Cicero, "that I have more truth than eloquence." To a
young man who was suspected of having given a poisoned cake to his
father, and who talked largely of the invectives he meant to deliver
against Cicero, "Better these" replied he, "than your cakes." Publius
Sextius, having amongst others retained Cicero as his advocate in
a certain cause, was yet desirous to say all for himself, and would
not allow anybody to speak for him; when he was about to receive his
acquittal from the judges, and the ballots were passing, Cicero called
to him, "Make haste, Sextius, and use your time; to-morrow you will
be nobody." He cited Publius Cotta to bear testimony in a certain
cause, one who affected to be thought a lawyer, though ignorant and
unlearned; to whom, when he had said, "I know nothing of the matter,"
he answered "You think, perhaps, we ask you about a point of law."
To Metellus Nepos, who, in a dispute between them, repeated several
times, "Who was your father, Cicero?" he replied, "Your mother has
made the answer to such a question in your case more difficult;" Nepos's
mother having been of ill-repute. The son, also, was of a giddy, uncertain
temper. At one time he suddenly threw up his office of tribune, and
sailed off into Syria to Pompey; and immediately after, with as little
reason, came back again. He gave his tutor Philagrus, a funeral with
more than necessary attention, and then set up the stone figure of
a crow over his tomb. "This," said Cicero, "is really appropriate;
as he did not teach you to speak, but to fly about." When Marcus Appius,
in the opening of some speech in a court of justice said that his
friend had desired him to employ industry, eloquence, and fidelity
in that cause, Cicero answered, "And how have you had the heart not
to accede to any one of his requests?" 

To use this sharp raillery against opponents and antagonists in judicial
pleading seems allowable rhetoric. But he excited much ill-feeling
by his readiness to attack any one for the sake of a jest. A few anecdotes
of this kind may be added. Marcus Aquinius, who had two sons-in-law
in exile, received from him the name of King Adrastus. Lucius Cotta,
an intemperate lover of wine, was censor when Cicero stood for the
consulship. Cicero, being thirsty at the election, his friends stood
round about him while he was drinking. "You have reason to be afraid,"
he said, "lest the censor should be angry with me for drinking water."
Meeting one day Voconius with his three very ugly daughters, he quoted
the verse- 

"He reared a race without Apollo's leave." When Marcus Gellius, who
was reputed the son of a slave, had read several letters in the senate
with a very shrill and loud voice, "Wonder not," said Cicero, "he
comes of the criers." When Faustus Sylla, the son of Sylla the dictator,
who had, during his dictatorship, by public bills proscribed and condemned
so many citizens, had so far wasted his estate, and got into debt,
that he was forced to publish his bills of sale, Cicero told him that
he liked these bills much better than those of his father. By this
habit he made himself odious with many people. 

But Clodius's faction conspired against him upon the following occasion.
Clodius was a member of a noble family, in the flower of his youth,
and of a bold and resolute temper. He, being in love with Pompeia,
Caesar's wife, got privately into his house in the dress and attire
of a music-girl; the women being at that time offering there the sacrifice
which must not be seen by men, and there was no man present. Clodius,
being a youth and beardless, hoped to get to Pompeia among the women
without being taken notice of. But coming into a great house by night,
he missed his way in the passages, and a servant belonging to Aurelia,
Caesar's mother, spying him wandering up and down, inquired his name.
Thus being necessitated to speak, he told her he was seeking for one
of Pompeia's maids, Abra by name; and she, perceiving it not to be
a woman's voice, shrieked out, and called in the women; who shutting
the gates, and searching every place, at length found Clodius hidden
in the chamber of the maid with whom he had come in. This matter being
much talked about, Caesar put away his wife, Pompeia, and Clodius
was prosecuted for profaning the holy rites. 

Cicero was at this time his friend, for he had been useful to him
in the conspiracy of Catiline, as one of his forwardest assistants
and protectors. But when Clodius rested his defence upon this point,
that he was not then at Rome, but at a distance in the country, Cicero
testified that he had come to his house that day, and conversed with
him on several matters; which thing was indeed true, although Cicero
was thought to testify it not so much for the truth's sake as to preserve
his quiet with Terentia his wife. For she bore a grudge against Clodius
on account of his sister Clodia's wishing, as it was alleged, to marry
Cicero, and having employed for this purpose the intervention of Tullus,
a very intimate friend of Cicero's; and his frequent visits to Clodia,
who lived in their neighbourhood, and the attentions he paid to her
had excited Terentia's suspicions, and, being a woman of a violent
temper and having the ascendant over Cicero, she urged him on to taking
a part against Clodius, and delivering his testimony. Many other good
and honest citizens also gave evidence against him, for perjuries,
disorders, bribing the people, and debauching women. Lucullus proved,
by his women-servants, that he had debauched his youngest sister when
she was Lucullus's wife; and there was a general belief that he had
done the same with his two other sisters, Tertia, whom Marcius Rex,
and Clodia, whom Metellus Celer had married; the latter of whom was
called Quadrantia, because one of her lovers had deceived her with
a purse of small copper money instead of silver, the smallest copper
coin being called a quadrant. Upon this sister's account, in particular,
Clodius's character was attacked. Notwithstanding all this, when the
common people united against the accusers and witnesses and the whole
party, the judges were affrighted, and a guard was placed about them
for their defence; and most of them wrote their sentences on the tablets
in such a way that they could not well be read. It was decided, however,
that there was a majority for his acquittal, and bribery was reported
to have been employed; in reference to which Catulus remarked, when
he next met the judges, "You were very right to ask for a guard, to
prevent your money being taken from you." And when Clodius upbraided
Cicero that the judges had not believed his testimony, "Yes," said
he, "five-and-twenty of them trusted me and condemned you, and the
other thirty did not trust you, for they did not acquit you till they
had got your money." 

Caesar, though cited, did not give his testimony against Clodius,
and declared himself not convinced of his wife's adultery, but that
he had put her away because it was fit that Caesar's house should
not be only free of the evil fact, but of the fame too. 

Clodius, having escaped this danger, and having got himself chosen
one of the tribunes, immediately attacked Cicero, heaping up all matters
and inciting all persons against him. The common people he gained
over with popular laws; to each of the consuls he decreed large provinces,
to Piso, Macedonia, and to Gabinius, Syria; he made a strong party
among the indigent citizens, to support him in his proceedings, and
had always a body of armed slaves about him. Of the three men then
in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open enemy, Pompey indifferently
made advances to both, and Caesar was going with an army into Gaul.
To him, though not his friend (what had occurred in the time of the
conspiracy having created suspicions between them), Cicero applied,
requesting an appointment as one of his lieutenants in the province.
Caesar accepted him, and Clodius, perceiving that Cicero would thus
escape his tribunician authority, professed to be inclinable to a
reconciliation, laid the greatest fault upon Terentia, made always
a favourable mention of him, and addressed him with kind expressions,
as one who felt no hatred or ill-will, but who merely wished to urge
his complaints in a moderate and friendly way. By these artifices,
he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that he resigned his appointment
to Caesar, and betook himself again to political affairs. At which
Caesar, being exasperated, joined the party of Clodius against him,
and wholly alienated Pompey from him; he also himself declared in
a public assembly of the people, that he did not think Lentulus and
Cethegus, with their accomplices, were fairly and legally put to death
without being brought to trial. And this, indeed, was the crime charged
upon Cicero, and this impeachment he was summoned to answer. And so,
as an accused man, and in danger for the result, he changed his dress,
and went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire of a suppliant,
to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in every corner, having
a band of abusive and daring fellows about him, who derided Cicero
for his change of dress and his humiliation, and often, by throwing
dirt and stones at him, interrupted his supplication to the people.

However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed their
dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young gentlemen followed
him with their hair untrimmed, and supplicating with him to the people.
And then the senate met, to pass a decree that the people should change
their dress as in time of public sorrow. But the consuls opposing
it, and Clodius with armed men besetting the senate-house, many of
the senators ran out, crying out and tearing their clothes. But this
sight moved neither shame nor pity; Cicero must either fly or determine
it by the sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to aid him, who
was on purpose gone out of the way, and was staying at his country-house
in the Alban hills; and first he sent his son-in-law Piso to intercede
with him, and afterwards set out to go himself. Of which Pompey being
informed, would not stay to see him, being ashamed at the remembrance
of the many conflicts in the commonwealth which Cicero had undergone
in his behalf, and how much of his policy he had directed for his
advantage. But being now Caesar's son-in-law, at his instance he had
set aside all former kindness, and, slipping out at another door,
avoided the interview. Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left alone
to himself, he fled to the consuls. Gabinius was rough with him, as
usual, but Piso spoke more courteously, desiring him to yield and
give place for a while to the fury of Clodius, and to await a change
of times, and to be now, as before, his country's saviour from the
peril of these troubles and commotions which Clodius was exciting.

Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends. Lucullus
advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last; others to fly,
because the people would soon desire him again, when they should have
enough of the rage and madness of Clodius. This last Cicero approved.
But first he took a statue of Minerva, which had been long set up
and greatly honoured in his house, and carrying it to the capitol,
there dedicated it, with the inscription, "To Minerva, Patroness of
Rome." And receiving an escort from his friends, about the middle
of the night he left the city and went by land through Lucania, intending
to reach Sicily. 

But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius proposed
to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order interdicted
him fire and water, prohibiting any within five hundred miles in Italy
to receive him into their houses. Most people, out of respect for
Cicero, paid no regard to this edict, offering him every attention,
and escorting him on his way. But at Hipponium, a city of Lucania
now called Vibo, one Vibius, a Sicilian by birth, who, amongst many
other instances of Cicero's friendship, had been made head of the
state engineers when he was consul, would not receive him into his
house, sending him word he would appoint a place in the country for
his reception. Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been
on the most intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming
into Sicily. At these things Cicero, being disheartened, went to Brundusium,
whence putting forth with a prosperous wind, a contrary gale blowing
from the sea carried him back to Italy the next day. He put again
to sea, and having reached Dyrrachium, on his coming to shore there,
it is reported that an earthquake and a convulsion in the sea happened
at the same time, signs which the diviners said intimated that his
exile would not be long, for these were prognostics of change. Although
many visited him with respect, and the cities of Greece contended
which should honour him most, he yet continued disheartened and disconsolate,
like an unfortunate lover, often casting his looks back upon Italy;
and, indeed, he was become so poor-spirited, so humiliated and dejected
by his misfortunes, as none could have expected in a man who had devoted
so much of his life to study and learning. And yet he often desired
his friends not to call him orator, but philosopher, because he had
made philosophy his business, and had only used rhetoric as an instrument
for attaining his objects in public life. But the desire of glory
has great power in washing the tinctures of philosophy out of the
souls of men, and in imprinting the passions of the common people,
by custom and conversation, in the minds of those that take a part
in governing them, unless the politician be very careful so to engage
in public affairs as to interest himself only in the affairs themselves,
but not participate in the passions that are consequent to them.

Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his farms
and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on the site of
it a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he exposed to sale
by daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy. By these courses he
became formidable to the noble citizens, and being followed by the
commonalty, whom he had filled with insolence and licentiousness,
he began at last to try his strength against Pompey, some of whose
arrangements in the countries he conquered, he attacked. The disgrace
of this made Pompey begin to reproach himself for his cowardice in
deserting Cicero, and changing his mind, he now wholly set himself
with his friends to contrive his return. And when Clodius opposed
it, the senate made a vote that no public measure should be ratified
or passed by them till Cicero was recalled. But when Lentulus was
consul, the commotions grew so high upon this matter, that the tribunes
were wounded in the Forum, and Quintus, Cicero's brother, was left
as dead, lying unobserved amongst the slain. The people began to change
in their feelings, and Annius Milo, one of their tribunes, was the
first who took confidence to summon Clodius to trial for acts of violence.
Many of the common people out of the neighbouring cities formed a
party with Pompey, and he went with them, and drove Clodius out of
the Forum, and summoned the people to pass their vote. And, it is
said, the people never passed any suffrage more unanimously than this.
The senate, also, striving to outdo the people, sent letters of thanks
to those cities which had received Cicero with respect in his exile,
and decreed that his house and his country-places, which Clodius had
destroyed, should be rebuilt at the public charge. 

Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the cities
were so glad, and people so zealous to meet him, that what he boasted
of afterwards, that Italy had brought him on her shoulders home to
Rome, was rather less than the truth. And Crassus himself, who had
been his enemy before his exile, went then voluntarily to meet him,
and was reconciled, to please his son Publius, as he said, who was
Cicero's affectionate admirer. 

Cicero had not been long at Rome when, taking the opportunity of Clodius's
absence, he went with a great company to the capitol, and there tore
and defaced the tribunician tables, in which were recorded the acts
done in the time of Clodius. And on Clodius calling him in question
for this, he answered that he, being of the patrician order, had obtained
the office of tribune against law, and therefore nothing done by him
was valid. Cato was displeased at this, and opposed Cicero, not that
he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved of his whole administration;
yet, he contended, it was an irregular and violent course for the
senate to vote the illegality of so many decrees and acts, including
those of Cato's own government in Cyprus and at Byzantium. This occasioned
a breach between Cato and Cicero, which, though it came not to open
enmity, yet made a more reserved friendship between them.

After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the murder,
he procured Cicero as his advocate. The senate, fearing lest the questioning
of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen as Milo might disturb the
peace of the city, committed the superintendence of this and of the
other trials to Pompey, who should undertake to maintain the security
alike of the city and of the courts of justice. Pompey, therefore,
went in the night, and occupying the high grounds about it, surrounded
the Forum with soldiers. Milo, fearing lest Cicero, being disturbed
by such an unusual sight, should conduct his cause the less successfully,
persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum, and there repose
himself till the judges were set and the court filled. For Cicero,
it seems, not only wanted courage in arms, but, in his speaking also,
began with timidity, and in many cases scarcely left off trembling
and shaking when he had got thoroughly into the current and the substance
of his speech. Being to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution
of Cato, and being eager to outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea
with great applause, he took so little rest that night, and was so
disordered with thought and overwatching, that he spoke much worse
than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to commence the cause
of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, posted as it were, and encamped with
his troops above, and seeing arms shining round about the Forum, he
was so confounded that he could hardly begin his speech for the trembling
of his body and hesitance of his tongue; whereas Milo, meantime, was
bold and intrepid in his demeanour, disdaining either to let his hair
grow or to put on the mourning habit. And this, indeed, seems to have
been one principal cause of his condemnation. Cicero, however, was
thought not so much to have shown timidity for himself, as anxiety
about his friend. 

He was made one of the priests, whom the Romans call Augurs, in the
room of Crassus the younger, dead in Parthia. Then he was appointed
by lot to the province of Cilicia, and set sail thither with twelve
thousand foot and two thousand six hundred horse. He had orders to
bring back Cappadocia to its allegiance to Ariobarzanes, its king;
which settlement he effected very completely without recourse to arms.
And perceiving the Cilicians, by the great loss the Romans had suffered
in Parthia, and the commotions in Syria, to have become disposed to
attempt a revolt, by a gentle course of government he soothed them
back into fidelity. He would accept none of the presents that were
offered him by the kings; he remitted the charge of public entertainments,
but daily at his own house received the ingenious and accomplished
persons of the province, not sumptuously, but liberally. His house
had no porter, nor was he ever found in bed by any man, but early
in the morning, standing or walking before his door, he received those
who came to offer their salutations. He is said never once to have
ordered any of those under his command to be beaten with rods, or
to have their garments rent. He never gave contumelious language in
his anger, nor inflicted punishment with reproach. He detected an
embezzlement, to a large amount, in the public money, and thus relieved
the cities from their burdens, at the same time that he allowed those
who made restitution to retain without further punishment their rights
as citizens. He engaged too, in war, so far as to give a defeat to
the banditti who infested Mount Amanus, for which he was saluted by
his army Imperator. To Caecilius, the orator, who asked him to send
him some panthers from Cilicia, to be exhibited on the theatre at
Rome, he wrote, in commendation of his own actions, that there were
no panthers in Cilicia, for they were all fled to Caria, in anger
that in so general a peace they had become the sole objects of attack.
On leaving his province, he touched at Rhodes, and tarried for some
length of time at Athens, longing much to renew his old studies. He
visited the eminent men of learning, and saw his former friends and
companions; and after receiving in Greece the honours that were due
to him, returned to the city, where everything was now just as it
were in a flame, breaking out into a civil war. 

When the senate would have decreed him a triumph, he told them he
had rather, so differences were accommodated, follow the triumphal
chariot of Caesar. In private, he gave advice to both, writing many
letters to Caesar, and personally entreating Pompey; doing his best
to soothe and bring to reason both the one and the other. But when
matters became incurable, and Caesar was approaching Rome, and Pompey
durst not abide it, but, with many honest citizens, left the city,
Cicero as yet did not join in the flight, and was reputed to adhere
to Caesar. And it is very evident he was in his thoughts much divided,
and wavered painfully between both, for he writes in his epistles,
"To which side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honourable plea
for war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his affairs better,
and is more able to secure himself and his friends. So that I know
whom I should fly, not whom I should fly to." But when Trebatius,
one of Caesar's friends, by letter signified to him that Caesar thought
it was his most desirable course to join his party, and partake his
hopes, but if he considered himself too old a man for this, then he
should retire into Greece, and stay quietly there, out of the way
of either party, Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not written himself,
gave an angry reply, that he should not do anything unbecoming his
past life. Such is the account to be collected from his letters.

But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately sailed
away to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but Cato; who, taking
him privately, chid him for coming to Pompey. As for himself, he said,
it had been indecent to forsake that part in the commonwealth which
he had chosen from the beginning; but Cicero might have been more
useful to his country and friends, if, remaining neuter, he had attended
and used his influence to moderate the result, instead of coming hither
to make himself, without reason or necessity, an enemy to Caesar,
and a partner in such great dangers. 

By this language, partly, Cicero's feelings were altered, and partly,
also, because Pompey made no great use of him. Although, indeed, he
was himself the cause of it, by his not denying that he was sorry
he had come, by his depreciating Pompey's resources, finding fault
underhand with his counsels, and continually indulging in jests and
sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers. Though he went about in
the camp with a gloomy and melancholy face himself, he was always
trying to raise a laugh in others, whether they wished it or not.
It may not be amiss to mention a few instances. To Domitius, on his
preferring to a command one who was no soldier, and saying, in his
defence, that he was a modest and prudent person, he replied, "Why
did not you keep him for a tutor for or your children?" On hearing
Theophanes, the Lesbian, who was master of the engineers in the army,
praised for the admirable way in which he had consoled the Rhodians
for the loss of their fleet, "What a thing it is," he said, "to have
a Greek in command!" When Caesar had been acting successfully, and
in a manner blockading Pompey, Lentulus was saying it was reported
that Caesar's friends were out of heart; "Because," said Cicero, "they
do not wish Caesar well." To one Marcius, who had just come from Italy,
and told them that there was a strong report at Rome that Pompey was
blocked up, he said, "And you sailed hither to see it with your own
eyes." To Nonius, encouraging them after a defeat to be of good hope,
because there were seven eagles still left in Pompey's camp, "Good
reason for encouragement," said Cicero, "if we were going to fight
with jackdaws." Labienus insisted on some prophecies to the effect
that Pompey would gain the victory; "Yes," said Cicero; "and the first
step in the campaign has been losing our camp." 

After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not present
for want of health, and Pompey was fled, Cato, having considerable
forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had Cicero commander-in-chief,
according to law and the precedence of his consular dignity. And on
his refusing the command, and wholly declining to take part in their
plans for continuing the war, he was in the greatest danger of being
killed, young Pompey and his friends calling him traitor, and drawing
their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed, and hardly rescued
and brought him out of the camp. 

Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there some time in
expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia and
Egypt. And when it was told him that he was arrived at Tarentum, and
was coming thence by land to Brundusium, he hastened towards him,
not altogether without hope, and yet in some fear of making experiment
of the temper of an enemy and conqueror in the presence of many witnesses.
But there was no necessity for him either to speak or do anything
unworthy of himself; for Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good
way before the rest of the company, came down to meet him, saluted
him, and, leading the way, conversed with him alone for some furlongs.
And from that time forward he continued to treat him with honour and
respect, so that, when Cicero wrote an oration in praise of Cato,
Caesar in writing an answer to it, took occasion to commend Cicero's
own life and eloquence, comparing him to Pericles and Theramenes.
Cicero's oration was called Cato; Caesar's, anti-Cato. 

So also it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted for
having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken his
defence, Caesar said to his friends, "Why might we not as well once
more hear a speech from Cicero? Ligarius, there is no question, is
a wicked man and an enemy." But when Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully
moved him, and proceeded in his speech with such varied pathos, and
such a charm of language, that the colour of Caesar's countenance
often changed, and it was evident that all the passions of his soul
were in commotion. At length, the orator touching upon the Pharsalian
battle, he was so affected that his body trembled, and some of the
papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was overpowered,
and acquitted Ligarius. 

Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy, Cicero
withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his leisure in
instructing those young men that would, in philosophy; and by the
near intercourse he thus had with some of the noblest and highest
in rank, he again began to possess great influence in the city. The
work and object to which he set himself was to compose and translate
philosophical dialogues and to render logical and physical terms into
the Roman idiom. For he it was, as it is said, who first or principally
gave Latin names to phantasia, syncatathesis, epokhe, catalepsis,
atamon, ameres, kenon, and other such technical terms, which, either
by metaphors or other means of accommodation, he succeeded in making
intelligible and expressible to the Romans. For his recreation, he
exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he was set to it would
make five hundred verses in a night. He spent the greatest part of
his time at his country-house near Tusculum. He wrote to his friends
that he led the life of Laertes either jestingly, as his custom was,
or rather from a feeling of ambition for public employment, which
made him impatient under the present state of affairs. He rarely went
to the city, unless to pay his court to Caesar. He was commonly the
first amongst those who voted him honours, and sought out new terms
of praise for himself and for his actions. As, for example, what he
said of the statues of Pompey, which had been thrown down, and were
afterwards by Caesar's orders set up again; that Caesar, by this act
of humanity, had indeed set up Pompey's statues, but he had fixed
and established his own. 

He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his country,
combining with it much of that of Greece, and incorporating in it
all the stories and legends of the past that he had collected. But
his purposes were interfered with by various public and various private
unhappy occurrences and misfortunes; for most of which he was himself
in fault. For first of all, be put away his wife Terentia, by whom
he had been neglected in the time of the war, and sent away destitute
of necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind when
he returned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium, where
he stayed a long time, nor would allow her young daughter, who undertook
so long a journey, decent attendance, or the requisite expenses; besides,
she left him a naked and empty house, and yet had involved him in
many and great debts. These were alleged as the fairest reasons for
the divorce. But Terentia, who denied them all, had the most unmistakable
defence furnished her by her husband himself, who not long after married
a young maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia upbraided him;
or as Tiro, his emancipated slave, has written, for her riches, to
discharge his debts. For the young woman was very rich, and Cicero
had the custody of her estate, being left guardian in trust; and being
indebted many myriads of money, he was persuaded by friends and relations
to marry her, notwithstanding his disparity of age, and to use her
money to satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this marriage
in his answer to the Philippics, reproaches him for putting away a
wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy strokes
of sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive, unsoldier-like habits.
Not long after this marriage, his daughter died in childbed at Lentulus's
house, to whom she had been married after the death of Piso, her former
husband. The philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for
his grief was so excessive, that he put away his new-married wife,
because she seemed to be pleased at the death of Tullia. And thus
stood Cicero's domestic affairs at this time. 

He had no concern in the design that was now forming against Caesar.
although, in general, he was Brutus's most principal confidant, and
one who was as aggrieved at the present, and as desirous of the former
state of public affairs, as any other whatsoever. But they feared
his temper, as wanting courage, and his old age, in which the most
daring dispositions are apt to be timorous. 

As soon, therefore, as the act was committed by Brutus and Cassius,
and the friends of Caesar were got together, so that there was fear
the city would again be involved in a civil war, Antony, being consul,
convened the senate, and made a short address recommending concord.
And Cicero following with various remarks such as the occasion called
for, persuaded the senate to imitate the Athenians, and decree an
amnesty for what had been done in Caesar's case, and to bestow provinces
on Brutus and Cassius. But neither of these things took effect. For
as soon as the common people, of themselves inclined to pity, saw
the dead body of Caesar borne through the market-place, and Antony
showing his clothes filled with blood, and pierced through in every
part with swords, enraged to a degree of frenzy, they made a search
for the murderers, and with firebrands in their hands ran to their
houses to burn them. They, however, being forewarned, avoided this
danger; and expecting many more and greater to come, they left the

Antony on this was at once in exultation, and every one was in alarm
with the prospect that he would make himself sole ruler, and Cicero
in more alarm than any one. For Antony, seeing his influence reviving
in the commonwealth and knowing how closely he was connected with
Brutus, was ill-pleased to have him in the city. Besides, there had
been some former jealousy between them, occasioned by the difference
of their manners. Cicero, fearing the event, was inclined to go as
lieutenant with Dolabella into Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls
elect as successors of Antony, good men and lovers of Cicero, entreated
him not to leave them, undertaking to put down Antony if he would
stay in Rome. And he, neither distrusting wholly, nor trusting them,
let Dolabella go without him, promising Hirtius that he would go and
spend his summer at Athens, and return again when he entered upon
his office. So he set out on his journey; but some delay occurring
in his passage, new intelligence, as often happens, came suddenly
from Rome, that Antony had made an astonishing change, and was doing
all things and managing all public affairs at the will of the senate,
and that there wanted nothing but his presence to bring things to
a happy settlement. And therefore, blaming himself for his cowardice,
he returned again to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes at the
beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to meet him, that the compliments
and civilities which were paid him at the gates, and at his entrance
into the city, took up almost one whole day's time. 

On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero thither.
He came not, but kept his bed, pretending to be ill with his journey;
but the true reason seemed the fear of some design against him, upon
a suspicion and intimation given him on his way to Rome. Antony, however,
showed great offence at the affront, and sent soldiers, commanding
them to bring him or burn his house; but many interceding and supplicating
for him, he was contented to accept sureties. Ever after, when they
met, they passed one another with silence, and continued on their
guard, till Caesar, the younger, coming from Apollonia, entered on
the first Caesar's inheritance, and was engaged in a dispute with
Antony about two thousand five hundred myriads of money, which Antony
detained from the estate. 

Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who married
the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to Cicero, and
agreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid of his eloquence
and political influence with the senate and people, and Caesar give
Cicero the defence of his riches and arms. For the young man had already
a great party of the soldiers of Caesar about him. And Cicero's readiness
to join him was founded, it is said, on some yet stronger motives;
for it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero, in his
sleep, had fancied himself engaged in calling some of the sons of
the senators into the capitol, Jupiter being about, according to the
dream, to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome. The citizens,
running up with curiosity, stood about the temple, and the youths,
sitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept silence. On a sudden
the doors opened, and the youths, arising one by one in order, passed
round the god, who reviewed them all, and, to their sorrow, dismissed
them; but when this one was passing by, the god stretched forth his
right hand and said, "O ye Romans, this young man, when he shall be
lord of Rome, shall put an end to all your civil wars." It is said
that Cicero formed from his dream a distinct image of the youth, and
retained it afterwards perfectly, but did not know who it was. The
next day, going down into the Campus Martius, he met the boys returning
from their gymnastic exercises, and the first was he, just as he had
appeared to him in his dream. Being astonished at it, he asked him
who were his parents. And it proved to be this young Caesar, whose
father was a man of no great eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia,
Caesar's sister's daughter; for which reason, Caesar, who had no children,
made him by will the heir of his house and property. From that time,
it is said that Cicero studiously noticed the youth whenever he met
him, and he as kindly received the civility; and by fortune he happened
to be born when Cicero was consul. 

These were the reasons spoken of but it was principally Cicero's hatred
of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honour, which fastened him
to Caesar, with the purpose of getting the support of Caesar's power
for his own public designs. For the young man went so far in his court
to him, that he called him Father; at which Brutus was so highly displeased,
that, in his epistles to Atticus, he reflected on Cicero saying, it
was manifest, by his courting Caesar for fear of Antony, he did not
intend liberty to his country, but an indulgent master to himself.
Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's son, then studying philosophy
at Athens, gave him a command, and employed him in various ways, with
a good result. Cicero's own power at this time was at the greatest
height in the city, and he did whatsoever he pleased; he completely
overpowered and drove out Antony, and sent the two consuls, Hirtius
and Pansa, with an army, to reduce him; and, on the other hand, persuaded
the senate to allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns of a praetor, as
though he were his country's defender. But after Antony was defeated
in battle, and the consuls slain, the armies united, and ranged themselves
with Caesar. And the senate, fearing the young man, and his extraordinary
fortune, endeavoured, by honours and gifts, to call off the soldiers
from him, and to lessen his power; professing there was no further
need of arms now Antony was put to flight. 

This giving Caesar an affright, he privately sends some friends to
entreat and persuade Cicero to procure the consular dignity for them
both together; saying he should manage the affairs as he pleased,
should have the supreme power, and govern the young man who was only
desirous of name and glory. And Caesar himself confessed that, in
fear of ruin, and in danger of being deserted, he had seasonably made
use of Cicero's ambition, persuading him to stand with him, and to
accept the offer of him aid and interest for the consulship.

And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be carried
away and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasion of a boy.
He joined him in soliciting votes, and procured the good-will of the
senate, not without blame at the time on the part of his friends;
and he, too, soon enough after, saw that he had ruined himself, and
betrayed the liberty of his country. For the young man, once established,
and possessed of the office of consul, bade Cicero farewell; and,
reconciling himself to Antony and Lepidus, joined his power with theirs,
and divided the government, like a piece of property, with them. Thus
united, they made a schedule of above two hundred persons who were
to be put to death. But the greatest contention in all their debates
was on the question of Cicero's case. Antony would come to no conditions,
unless he should be the first man to be killed. Lepidus held with
Antony, and Caesar opposed them both. They met secretly and by themselves,
for three days together, near the town of Bononia. The spot was not
far from the camp, with a river surrounding it. Caesar, it is said,
contended earnestly for Cicero the first two days; but on the third
day he yielded, and gave him up. The terms of their mutual concessions
were these: that Caesar should desert Cicero, Lepidus his brother
Paulus, and Antony, Lucius Caesar, his uncle by his mother's side.
Thus they let their anger and fury take from them the sense of humanity,
and demonstrated that no beast is more savage than man when possessed
with power answerable to his rage. 

Whilst these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother at
his country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the proscriptions,
they determined to pass to Astura, a villa of Cicero's near the sea,
and to take shipping from thence for Macedonia to Brutus, of whose
strength in that province news had already been heard. They travelled
together in their separate litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often
stopping on the way till their litters came together, condoled with
one another. But Quintus was the more disheartened when he reflected
on his want of means for his journey; for, as he said, he had brought
nothing with him from home. And even Cicero himself had but a slender
provision. It was judged, therefore, most expedient that Cicero should
make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus return home to provide
necessaries, and thus resolved, they mutually embraced, and parted
with many tears. 

Quintus, within a few days after, betrayed by his servants to those
who came to search for him, was slain, together with his young son.
But Cicero was carried to Astura, where finding a vessel, he immediately
went on board her, and sailed as far as Circaeum with a prosperous
gale; but when the pilots resolved immediately to set sail from thence,
whether fearing the sea, or not wholly distrusting the faith of Caesar,
he went on shore, and passed by land a hundred furlongs, as if he
was going for Rome. But losing resolution and changing his mind, he
again returned to the sea, and there spent the night in fearful and
perplexed thoughts. Sometimes he resolved to go into Caesar's house
privately, and there kill himself upon the altar of his household
gods, to bring divine vengeance upon him; but the fear of torture
put him off this course. And after passing through a variety of confused
and uncertain counsels, at last he let his servants carry him by sea
to Capitie, where he had a house, an agreeable place to retire to
in the heat of summer, when the Etesian winds are so pleasant.

There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the seaside,
from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise, and made towards
Cicero's vessel, as it rowed to land, and lighting on both sides of
the yard, some croaked, others pecked the ends of the ropes. This
was looked upon by all as an ill-omen; and, therefore, Cicero went
again ashore, and entering his house, lay down upon his bed to compose
himself to rest. Many of the crows settled about the window, making
a dismal cawing; but one of them alighted upon the bed where Cicero
lay covered up, and with its bill by little and little pecked off
the clothes from his face. His servants, seeing this, blamed themselves
that they should stay to be spectators of their master's murder, and
do nothing in his defence, whilst the brute creatures came to assist
and take care of him in his undeserved affliction; and therefore,
partly by entreaty, partly by force, they took him up, and carried
him in his litter towards the seaside. 

But in the meantime the assassins were come with a band of soldiers,
Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom Cicero had
formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of his father. Finding
the doors shut, they broke them open, and Cicero not appearing, and
those within saying they knew not where he was, it is stated that
a youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences,
an emancipated slave of his brother Quintus, Philologus by name, informed
the tribune that the litter was on its way to the sea through the
close and shady walks. The tribune, taking a few with him, ran to
the place where he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving Herennius
running in the walks, commanded his servants to set down the litter;
and stroking his chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he looked
steadfastly upon his murderers, his person covered with dust, his
beard and hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles. So
that the greatest part of those that stood by covered their faces
whilst Herennius slew him. And thus was he murdered, stretching forth
his neck out of the litter, being now in his sixty-fourth year. Herennius
cut off his head, and, by Antony's command, his hands also, by which
his Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those orations he
wrote against Antony, and so they are called to this day.

When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was holding
an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he heard it,
and saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an end of our proscriptions."
He commanded his head and hands to be fastened up over the rostra,
where the orators spoke; a sight which the Roman people shuddered
to behold, and they believed they saw there, not the face of Cicero,
but the image of Antony's own soul. And yet amidst these actions he
did justice in one thing, by delivering up Philologus to Pomponia,
the wife of Quintus; who, having got his body into her power, besides
other grievous punishments, made him cut off his own flesh by pieces,
and roast and eat it; for so some writers have related. But Tiro,
Cicero's emancipated slave, has not so much as mentioned the treachery
of Philologus. 

Some long time after, Caesar, I have been told, visiting one of his
daughter's sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hand. The
boy for fear endeavoured to hide it under his gown; which Caesar perceiving,
took it from him, and, turning over a great part of the book standing,
gave it him again, and said, "My child, this was a learned man, and
a lover of his country." And immediately after he had vanquished Antony,
being then consul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in the office;
and under that consulship the senate took down all the statues of
Antony, and abolished all the other honours that had been given him,
and decreed that none of that family should thereafter bear the name
of Marcus; and thus the final acts of the punishment of Antony were,
by the divine powers, devolved upon the family of Cicero.



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